speeches · October 16, 2013
Regional President Speech
Charles L. Evans · President
How Much Longer? (Only the Data Know)
Charles L. Evans
President and Chief Executive Officer
Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago
2013 Wisconsin Real Estate and Economic Outlook Conference
Madison, Wisconsin
October 17, 2013
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF CHICAGO
The views expressed today are my own and not necessarily
Those of the Federal Reserve System or the FOMC.
How Much Longer? (Only the Data Know)
Charles L. Evans
President and Chief Executive Officer
Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago
Introduction
Thank you Morris Davis for that kind introduction and also for the invitation to speak
today to the 2013 Wisconsin Real Estate and Economic Outlook Conference
Before I begin, let me say that the views I express here are my own and do not
necessarily reflect the views of my colleagues on the Federal Open Market Committee
(FOMC) or within the Federal Reserve System.
The mission of the Federal Reserve is to foster monetary and financial conditions that
support maximum employment and price stability. Since the beginning of 2008, that
mission to fulfill our dual mandate has been put to the test. The country has struggled
through a very serious financial crisis, a two-year recession and what, so far, has been
a most unsatisfying recovery. The economy continues to perform below capacity, and
inflation remains lower than our 2 percent target.
In response, the FOMC has acted decisively to provide extraordinary monetary policy
accommodation to help the economy regain its footing. The target fed funds rate has
been near zero for the past five years. Nonetheless, massive shortfalls in aggregate
demand have left the unemployment rate persistently above the 5 to 6 percent range
that characterizes a well-functioning labor market. At the same time, inflation has been
well below our 2 percent long-run target.
With the federal funds rate pinned down at its zero lower bound, the FOMC has turned
to nontraditional tools — namely, forward guidance on short-term interest rates and
large-scale asset purchases (LSAPs). Our strategy is to promote a faster recovery by
lowering long-term interest rates. A classic textbook decomposition of long-term rates is
to view them as the sum of expected future short-term rates and a premium that
compensates for interest rate risk. The new tools are aimed at influencing both of these
components of long-term rates. Forward guidance reduces expected future short-term
rates by ensuring that the fed funds rate will remain low until we reach specific
thresholds with respect to the dual mandate goals. The LSAPs are intended to reduce
term premiums by removing duration risk from private portfolios. This combination of
unconventional tools demonstrated our willingness to take extraordinary measures to
restore the economy to full employment.
While these policy tools lower interest rates in an unconventional way, their
transmission to real economic activity is quite conventional. Through arbitrage and
portfolio rebalancing, lower rates in one market — whether it’s the fed funds market or
the Treasury and agency mortgage-backed securities markets — are transmitted to
other rates faced by investors, nonfinancial firms and consumers, as well as across the
asset and maturity spectrum. There is significant evidence that the FOMC’s policies
have been helpful in lowering rates paid by firms and consumers and, more generally, in
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supporting aggregate demand in the face of the substantial economic headwinds over
the past six years. These highly accommodative policies — which I expect will continue
to be in place for some time — are an important reason why I have a relatively
optimistic forecast for the U.S. economy. I expect that in 2014 economic growth will pick
up to a pace of around 3 percent, that by the end of the year unemployment will fall to a
bit below 7 percent and inflation will be moving back toward our 2 percent target.
Policy Conditionality
Before I turn to the details of this forecast, I would like to talk more about the
nontraditional monetary policies supporting this outlook. An important feature of both
forward guidance and the current LSAP program is that they are tied to the performance
of the economy. I’m often asked questions like the following: How big is the Fed balance
sheet going to get?, and exactly when is the first increase in the fed funds rate going to
take place? Some days I wish I could answer these questions with a single number, a
firm date and a confident fist pump. But that’s not possible. Instead, the size of our
current quantitative easing (QE) program and the timing of future changes in the fed
funds rate depend on the progress that the economy makes toward our dual mandate
goals of maximum employment and price stability. Only the data can tell us how much
progress we’ve made, and they aren’t saying much right now: The data available in
September were inconclusive, and since then, incoming information has been silenced
with the federal government shutdown.
Let me start with our current asset purchase program. I believe this program should
continue until we are confident that there has been a sustainable improvement in the
labor market. Unfortunately, it’s difficult to describe what this means in terms of a single
number, such as the unemployment rate. One reason is that the labor force participation
rate (that is, the percent of the working-age population either employed or actively
searching for a job) has been falling dramatically — and by more than what can be
explained by the aging population or other long-term demographic factors. This means
that the drop of 3/4 percentage points in the unemployment rate we’ve seen over the
past year is not as indicative of a strong labor market as would otherwise be the case,
since a sizable portion of the decline is due to fewer people looking for work. For me to
be confident that we in fact have achieved substantial, sustainable improvement in labor
conditions, I would need to see the lower unemployment rate accompanied by cyclical
improvement in the participation rate. And I also would need to see more steady, solid
growth in gross domestic product (GDP) to be confident that the labor market gains
would not be undone by a drop in businesses’ demand for labor.
With regard to forward guidance on the federal funds rate, the FOMC’s policy
statements since December 2012 have formally indicated that we will keep the fed
funds rate near zero at least until the unemployment rate is 6-1/2 percent, so long as
the outlook for inflation remains below 2-1/2 percent over the medium term. Now, 6-1/2
percent is a threshold, not a trigger; even after reaching this threshold, if the outlook for
growth is not consistent with further improvements in labor markets or the outlook for
inflation is too far below 2 percent, we would likely delay increasing rates even longer. I
will talk more about this decision process later on.
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Mixed News on Economic Activity
Let me turn now to a broader discussion of my economic outlook. Since we began our
open-ended approach to asset purchases last fall, the labor market has definitely
improved. When we initiated that program in September 2012, the available data
showed the unemployment rate at 8.1 percent and job growth over the previous three
months averaging a pace of 135,000.
Since then, the unemployment rate has fallen to 7.3 percent and job growth has
averaged around 185,000 per month. These are certainly important positive
developments. Still, the U.S. economy has a long way to go to return to healthy
normality. The unemployment rate is well above the 5.2 to 5.8 percent range that covers
most FOMC participants’ views of its long-run normal level. Payrolls remain on the order
of about 4.7 million below where they should be. And as I just noted, an unusually high
number of productive, potential workers are not even looking for jobs right now.
While the labor market has been improving since last fall, overall growth in production
and spending has been quite modest. Most private sector forecasters think GDP grew
at about a 2 percent pace last quarter; this would put average GDP growth over the past
year at just 1.4 percent.
There is a long list of issues holding back the recovery. The higher income tax rates and
the end of the 2 percent payroll tax holiday, which went into effect at the beginning of
the year, are restraining household spending. Furthermore, some households are still
coping with the effects of lower house prices and the erosion in their stock market
wealth that occurred during the recession. With only modest demand from consumers,
businesses have not been eager to add capacity.
In addition to the tax increases, fiscal policies — which, of course, include the
mandatory sequestration — are also weighing on spending. The federal government
shutdown only adds to this burden, and the debt ceiling debacle — if not adequately
resolved — could have potentially large negative effects on the economy. Another
headwind is that growth in many of our trading partners’ economies appears likely to
remain on the soft side, holding back demand from abroad for U.S. goods and services.
Given this economic setting, one certainly could ask why I expect growth to pick up.
Indeed, in 2009, I predicted that it would, and I did the same in 2010, 2011 and 2012. Of
course, I was wrong. I was not alone — most FOMC participants and many outside
analysts shared this overly optimistic view. Undaunted, I make my intrepid forecast: I
anticipate growth will be in the neighborhood of 3 percent next year and the
unemployment rate will fall somewhat below 7 percent by the end of 2014.
Why do I think this year’s projection is going to be more accurate?
The principal reason is that the economic fundamentals are much improved. The
cyclical repair process is well under way. Although many households are still distressed,
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the housing sector as a whole is much better off than it was earlier in the recovery.
Housing prices have risen noticeably over the past year.1 The number of mortgages
under water is down from 12.1 million in early 2010 to 7.1 million in the second quarter
of 2013.2
Equity markets have largely recovered and are now around 10 percent above their pre-
recessionary peaks. After several years of restraint, there is pent-up demand for
consumer durables. Businesses that had generally delayed capital expenditures are in a
relatively favorable position today to finance these outlays. Most big businesses’
balance sheets are in good shape. Surveys show that fewer small businesses see
access to credit as a major concern. And, at the same time, there has been an increase
in demand for loans from small firms.
Another factor behind my forecast is that it appears there will be less fiscal restraint in
2014 and 2015, provided that the government shutdown and debt ceiling limit are
resolved quickly without significant near-term spending cuts as a condition. Fiscal
restraint will still have a negative impact on GDP growth, but the effect should be
smaller than it has been recently. The tax hikes that occurred at the beginning of this
year won’t be repeated in 2014. Furthermore, under current law, much of the impact of
the sequestration on government spending occurs in 2013. Accordingly, the fiscal
retrenchment over the next few years will be smaller than in 2013, so the negative
impact on growth will be less. I reemphasize, though, that this assumes a benign
resolution of the current debates.
Thus, I feel the stage is set for what we economists like to refer to as “virtuous cyclical
dynamics.” Continued growth in jobs and income as well as greater confidence in the
labor market will lead to higher household spending. As firms see actual demand rising,
they have an incentive to expand capacity, undertake previously delayed capital
expenditures and increase hiring. This further improves the well-being of households
and continues the virtuous cycle that feeds upon itself.
One challenge to this self-reinforcing mechanism is that there is a chicken-and-egg
problem: Who will start first? In order to dramatically increase spending, households
need more employment and income certainty. To expand hiring, businesses need more
customers walking through their doors. Who will first “ratchet up” these spending cycles
to the next level?
The process is more likely to get rolling if the economy experiences more positive
impulses and fewer negative jolts. And, indeed, there are a number of downside risks
that could produce such jolts. I have already outlined the U.S. fiscal situation. Although
1 The Federal Housing Finance Agency’s (FHFA) Quarterly House Price Purchase-Only Index is 7.2
percent higher than in the second quarter of 2012. By comparison, the S&P/Case-Shiller Home Price
Index shows a 10.0 percent increase for the second quarter of 2013 relative to a year earlier.
2 CoreLogic (2013); note that changes in methodology by CoreLogic in 2011 may affect comparisons to
earlier numbers. See also Timiraos (2013).
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Europe appears to finally be in recovery mode, the outlook for growth there is still weak,
and the level of economic activity there remains substantially below the previous
business cycle peak. Furthermore, growth in emerging market economies has slowed.
It’s difficult to gauge how structural transformations in China and developments in other
emerging markets will affect global economic growth over the next few years.
These international downside risks take on greater prominence when we consider them
in the context of weaker U.S. consumer demand. For most of the past 15 years, the
American consumer has been the strongest engine of world growth. However, that
American consumer has been knocked down several rungs. In order to speed up the
economic recovery across the globe and in the United States, consumers elsewhere
need to step up to fill the gap left by reduced American consumer demand.
Inflation Is Running Low
What about inflation? Providing financial conditions that deliver low and stable inflation
is an important part of the Federal Reserve’s dual mandate. However, inflation has been
running well below our 2 percent long-run objective for some time. Low wage growth
and low interest rates are other indicators that confirm our low inflation experience. To
many Fed critics, this low inflation environment has been a big surprise. Let’s think back
about five years. Recall that in December of 2008, we had brought the federal funds
rate down to zero, as low as it can go. In November 2008, we had embarked on our first
asset purchases, which we then expanded in March 2009 to a $1.75 trillion asset
program. When we took these measures, many critics claimed that the United States
was headed for double-digit inflation. I’m from Chicago, home of the well-known
monetarist Milton Friedman. Some of the critics invoked his name when issuing
warnings that with this kind of balance-sheet growth, higher inflation will surely come
soon! Actually, a couple of nice folks mailed me worthless $100 trillion Zimbabwe notes
to warn me of the inflationary consequences of our policies.
What a difference a few years makes! Instead of skyrocketing, inflation now stands at 1-
1/4 percent, which is 3/4 percentage point below our long-run target of 2 percent.
Indeed, it has averaged well below 2 percent since this all began back in 2007.
Inflationary expectations have not risen at all. And there are simply no signs of cost
pressures building. Most importantly, wage growth has been quite modest, and there is
no evidence of labor cost pressures. Without rising labor costs, a 1970s-style cycle of
price increases cannot be sustained. That would be a set of price increases feeding
through to higher wages that then again fuel further price increases, and the wage–price
spiral would continue.
Incidentally, despite what some critics have said, this benign outcome for inflation is
actually quite consistent with my reading of Milton Friedman’s analysis. The measures
of money he associated with inflation were broad measures that include money created
by the banking system. The increases we have seen in those measures have been
much more moderate. One of the big points from his Monetary History of the United
States3 was that focusing too much on the size of the Fed’s balance sheet was a bad
3 Friedman and Schwartz (1971).
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idea. Indeed, in the early 1930s, the Fed increased the size of its balance sheet quite
substantially. But it wasn’t enough. Given the struggles of the banking system, broad
measures of money actually declined, leading to deflation. The conclusion was that the
Fed needed to have increased its balance sheet even more. That’s a lesson the
Bernanke Fed has taken to heart this time around.
Let me just remind everyone that inflation falling below our target of 2 percent is costly.
If inflation is lower than expected, then debt financing is more burdensome than
borrowers expected. Problems of debt overhang become that much worse for the
economy. Conversely, if inflation is higher than expected, lenders are disadvantaged.
So, that is why it is important for the Fed to provide for inflation that averages over time
to our 2 percent long-run objective.
I see us making gradual progress in returning inflation to 2 percent over the next few
years. Some of this reflects the unwinding of some temporary factors, such as the effect
of the sequestration on Medicare payments and some unusually low readings for some
components of the Personal Consumption Expenditure Price Index, for which prices are
measured indirectly. But these factors aren’t big parts of the story. More importantly, as
the real economy improves, the large resource gaps we have will close. Sustained over
time, this closing of gaps will feed through to higher wage and price growth. Also,
inflation expectations are well anchored and above the current inflation rate, and thus,
they are providing an upward pull to prices. However, it could take several years for us
to return to our 2 percent inflation objective, and I will be monitoring our progress closely
when making my decision about appropriate monetary policy.
Continued Monetary Policy Accommodation Is Necessary
This brings me to an important point about my relatively upbeat projections for both
growth and inflation — and returns me to the issues about policy that I opened with here
today. These forecasts are based on the assumption that we will continue to provide the
economy with substantial monetary policy accommodation.
The degree of accommodation will depend on the data; neither changes in the pace of
asset purchases or, further down the road, changes in the fed funds rate are on a preset
course. The September meeting provides a window into FOMC decision-making. We
viewed the data available at that meeting as being too ambiguous — and the near-term
risks to growth as being too large — to slow the pace of LSAPs. We concluded that we
had not yet clearly passed the economic markers that would justify a reduction in
purchases. Of course, this conclusion was in contrast to the predictions of many
observers.
I’d like to note here that the exact pattern of the reduction in purchases eventually taken
isn’t so critical because the path is likely to have only a marginal impact on what is most
important — the total amount of purchases that are eventually made. The assumption
underlying my current forecast is that by the time we end the program, total asset
purchases since January 2013 will be in the neighborhood of $1.25 trillion. This is a very
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substantial program — one that is about double the size of our QE2 program that we
ran between the fall of 2010 and the summer of 2011.
Furthermore, when we ultimately end the current purchase program, we won’t be doing
anything to reduce the balance sheet. Even though it will no longer be expanding, the
balance sheet won’t actually begin to shrink until sometime much later when we make
the decision to stop reinvesting maturing assets. Even then, it will only gradually decline
as assets mature. Accordingly, our expanded balance sheet will be providing
accommodation for a long time after we have ceased adding assets to our portfolio.
Similarly, our policies with regard to the federal funds rate will depend on the course of
the economy. I want to reiterate the point that the Chairman and other members of the
Federal Open Market Committee have made recently and that I talked about earlier in
my remarks. The unemployment rate hitting 6-1/2 percent will not automatically result in
an increase in the federal funds rate. When we cross the 6-1/2 percent unemployment
rate threshold, we will closely evaluate the available information. When evaluating
policy, we will take into account a couple of basic principles. One is that our 2 percent
inflation goal is a symmetric target, not a ceiling. We’re shooting for inflation to average
2 percent over the medium term. This is different from aiming to keep it no higher than 2
percent.
Another principle is that when setting policy, we will take a balanced approach to
achieving our dual mandate objectives. These principles will govern our judgment of
whether or not it will be appropriate to raise the fed funds rate when we hit an
unemployment rate of 6-1/2 percent.
Suppose the unemployment rate reached 6-1/2 percent and inflation were 1-1/2
percent. One-and-a-half percent strikes me as much too low relative to our 2 percent
target, especially since inflation has been running below 2 percent for quite a long time.
I think that in this situation, it would be appropriate to hold the fed funds rate near zero
to get inflation confidently moving back up toward 2 percent. I can easily envision
certain circumstances in which the unemployment rate could go below 6 percent before
we moved the fed funds rate up.
Conclusion
As we move closer to the time when we begin to pare back the flow of additional
accommodation and contemplate eventually returning to a more normal monetary policy
environment, the need for clear and effective communication is essential. In answer to
the questions of how much longer and whether we are near the endpoint for policy
accommodation, I decidedly say no. It is not yet time to remove accommodation. The
data are still not definitive enough to say that now is time to adjust the QE3 flow
purchase rate. And we are a long way from seeing an unemployment rate below 6-1/2
percent in the context of inflation moving surely toward our target. Accordingly, I expect
our overall stance of monetary policy to remain highly accommodative for some time to
come. My colleagues on the FOMC and I have laid out certain markers that should help
gauge the timing of when we will begin to change the stance of policy. When those
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markers are reached, we will carefully weigh incoming data to determine if we can
improve economic activity and bring inflation in at our 2 percent objective.
References
CoreLogic, 2013, CoreLogic Equity Report, Second Quarter, available at
www.corelogic.com/research/negative-equity/corelogic-q2-2013-equity-report.pdf.
Friedman, Milton, and Anna J. Schwartz, 1971, A Monetary History of the United States,
1867–1960, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Timiraos, Nick, 2013, “Number of ‘underwater’ borrowers drops below 10 million,”
Developments, blog, Wall Street Journal, June 12, available at
http://blogs.wsj.com/developments/2013/06/12/number-of-underwater-borrowers-drops-
below-10-million/.
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Cite this document
APA
Charles L. Evans (2013, October 16). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20131017_charles_l_evans
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_20131017_charles_l_evans,
author = {Charles L. Evans},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {2013},
month = {Oct},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20131017_charles_l_evans},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}