speeches · March 26, 2013
Regional President Speech
Eric Rosengren · President
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“Monetary Policy and Financial Stability”
Eric S. Rosengren
President & Chief Executive Officer
Federal Reserve Bank of Boston
The Business and Industry Association of
New Hampshire and the New Hampshire
Bankers Association
Saint Anselm College, Manchester, NH
March 27, 2013
It is a pleasure to be back in New Hampshire to discuss the economic outlook
with you. While economic growth was modest in the latter part of 2012, recent data
suggest some improvement in the first part of this year. On balance economic growth has
been a bit better than expected, considering the notable headwinds of fiscal restraint and
issues in Europe that reflect the still-fragile global recovery. The current expectation of
many private-sector forecasters is that the economy will expand slightly more rapidly
than its potential rate of growth in the near term.
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Still, the economy remains far from where we want it to be, especially given the
Fed’s dual mandate for maximum sustainable employment and price stability. The
national unemployment rate is 7.7 percent, far higher than the 5.25 percent
unemployment rate to which I think the economy will eventually return. Similarly, the
inflation rate (measured by the Personal Consumption Expenditures price index or PCE)
over the twelve months ending in January 2013 averaged only 1.2 percent, far below the
Federal Reserve’s PCE inflation target of 2 percent.
Today, I will discuss both the economic outlook and the role that monetary policy
has played in the improving economy. Certainly the “no free lunch” doctrine applies
here, so along with the benefits there are some potential costs. I will discuss some of the
potential costs of our current policies, particularly those dealing with financial stability.
Of course I would add that the views I express today are my own, not necessarily those of
my colleagues on the Board of Governors or the Federal Open Market Committee (the
FOMC).
To preview my conclusions, I will argue that the Federal Reserve’s policy of
open-ended purchases of mortgage-backed securities and U.S. Treasury securities –
currently proceeding at a pace of $85 billion a month – has contributed importantly to the
gradual improvement in labor markets that we have seen, despite the fiscal headwinds. I
will also argue that the costs of these policies are outweighed by their benefits, and by the
costs likely to result if we did not pursue them.
It is clear to me that monetary policy actions have been benefiting the economy.
Some observers argue that the beneficial effects are offset by the cost of reduced financial
stability. Certainly, this is an area we need to watch closely. Financial stability is
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exceptionally important to me personally, as my research and talks underscore. I have
been vocal about significant policy actions that, in my view, should be taken to avoid
financial stability problems in the future. However, I see little evidence that our
monetary policies are generating significant financial stability problems at this time.
Put simply, the benefits of our asset purchases have exceed any reasonable
estimate of the costs. The asset-purchase program is having the desired impact, and the
faster economic growth that is in part the result of monetary policy actions will bring us
more quickly to a situation where this degree of additional accommodation is no longer
necessary.
The Economic Outlook
I expect the economy to grow at a rate a bit above 2 percent in the first half of this
year, despite the headwinds resulting from more fiscal austerity than many expected. As
Figure 1 shows, government spending, a GDP component, has declined for the past two
years – even before the federal sequester. This is true for federal spending as well as
state and local government spending. Fiscal austerity has been offset in part by
improvements in housing and also auto sales (part of consumer durables). Housing and
autos are the most interest-sensitive components of GDP, and their strength partly reflects
the positive impact of Federal Reserve policies to push long-term interest rates down with
our large-scale asset purchase program.
Figure 2 provides the longer-run economic forecasts of the 19 Reserve Bank
presidents and Federal Reserve Board governors who participate on the FOMC, taken
from the periodic report known as the Summary of Economic Projections or SEP.1 Once
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a quarter, each FOMC participant is asked to provide an economic forecast for a variety
of variables, including the unemployment rate and the PCE inflation rate.
In the left panel, the range and midpoint of forecasts for unemployment at the end
of 2013 and 2014 are provided for the most recent FOMC meeting, in March, and for the
FOMC meeting last September when we began the open-ended purchases of mortgagebacked securities. Last September the FOMC participants expected the unemployment
rate at the end of 2013 would range from 7 to 8 percent, with a midpoint of 7.5. At the
March FOMC meeting the range from the SEP was narrower and lower – the range was
now from 6.9 to 7.6 percent, and the midpoint had dropped by 25 basis points.
My own forecast for the unemployment rate at the end of 2013 is just above the
midpoint of the range. Similarly, the forecast range for unemployment at the end of 2014
is now lower, and the midpoint fell by 30 basis points to 6.6 percent. For 2014, my
forecast is again just a bit above the midpoint. In sum, FOMC participants see
improvement in the unemployment forecast since last September – for both 2013 and
2014. And, comparing the midpoints of the unemployment rate forecast for the two years
shows that the overall level has declined, but the size of the decline expected over 2014 is
the same – six tenths.
Turning to the right-side panel, the midpoint of the PCE inflation forecast for
FOMC participants fell from 1.8 to 1.65 for 2013 between the September FOMC and the
March FOMC meetings. Furthermore, the midpoint forecast for 2014 fell from 1.9 to
1.75. My own forecast is below the midpoint of the range for both 2013 and 2014.
In sum, the March SEP was quite positive, with declines in the midpoint of the
forecast ranges for both unemployment and PCE inflation, in 2013 and 2014. However,
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even at the end of 2014, unemployment is expected to be almost 1.5 percentage points
above most estimates of full employment. Given that the midpoint for the inflation
forecast for both years is below our 2 percent target, I believe we have the flexibility to
pursue a policy that encourages faster economic growth and a more rapid improvement in
the unemployment rate. To me, that implies that we should continue our large-scale asset
purchases of Treasury and mortgage-backed securities through this year – although the
amount may need to be adjusted up or down, depending on how the economic situation
evolves.
Benefits and Costs of Large-Scale Asset Purchases
The Fed’s purchases of long-term securities are intended to lower longer-term
interest rates, like rates on home mortgages and auto loans, in order to promote faster
economic growth. These purchases also encourage households and businesses to shift
somewhat from riskless low-yielding short-term government securities to investments
that bear a sensible degree of risk and have a stronger economic effect, like corporate
bonds and stocks.
Federal Reserve Bank of Boston staff use two different models to estimate the
impact of asset purchases on the economy. One explicitly articulates household and
business behaviors2 and the other is a purely statistical model.3 Reassuringly, both
models give similar results. Our best estimate implies roughly a one-quarter-point
decrease in the unemployment rate for a $500 billion asset-purchase program.
By this estimate, the benefits of the large-scale asset purchase (LSAP) program
include almost 400,000 additional workers employed for every $500 billion in purchased
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assets (which earn a return while on the Fed’s books), returning to our inflation target
somewhat more quickly, and a somewhat better debt-to-GDP ratio as a result of the lower
interest rates and improved GDP and revenue growth. While these estimates are model
dependent, and are clearly subject to estimation error, they are broadly consistent with
other studies – and with the growth in asset prices and the expansion of the interestsensitive components of GDP seen since last September.
One of the potential costs of LSAPs would be that they could be viewed as
inflationary. Most of the original critics of LSAPs voiced concerns over the potential
impact on inflation and inflation expectations. However, the expansion of the Federal
Reserve’s balance sheet began in 2008 and five years later we currently have a PCE
inflation rate of 1.2 percent, well below our 2 percent target. As the years have passed
and inflation has remained stable, this criticism has become more muted.
FOMC participants seem to agree with the assessment: looking at the range of
FOMC participant forecasts from the SEP for March, most FOMC participants expect us
to undershoot our 2 percent target this year. And in 2014, while the range extends to 2.1,
most indicate that inflation would be between 1.5 and 2.0 percent, undershooting or
achieving the target (an observation based on the published central tendency of 1.5 to 2.0
percent).
A second concern expressed about LSAPs is that they might undermine financial
stability. For example, if one expects the Fed to hold short-term rates at zero for a long
time, one could choose to earn higher yields by taking on substantially more credit risk or
interest rate risk.
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It is true that the Fed’s low interest rate policies are intended in part to encourage
additional, responsible risk-taking of the sort that advances real economic activity and
growth – for example, spurring banks to lend more rather than hold cash or government
securities, and non-financial firms to seek higher-return investment opportunities rather
than hold cash or government securities. However, it is possible that the expectation of
very low interest rates could encourage too much risk-taking – in the form of excessive
leverage, or taking credit risks that could not withstand another economic slowdown.
While some households or firms may choose to take excessive risks, even with more
normalized interest rates, it is the widespread taking of excessive risk – particularly by
leveraged institutions – that is likely to generate macroeconomic financial stability
problems.
Some observers have noted that stock prices have risen quite substantially, as
shown in Figure 3. Of course our policy doesn’t specifically target a particular asset
market, but encouraging investors and firms to take more of the responsible risks that
contribute to economic activity and growth would normally mean a shift into assets such
as stocks and investments with higher expected returns.
Make no mistake, this would pose a financial stability problem if stock prices had
significantly outstripped likely earnings – particularly if those investing in stocks had
become highly leveraged and were particularly susceptible to a reversal in share prices.
Figure 4 shows the S&P stock index relative to composite operating earnings over the
past 20 years. While share prices have risen, so have operating earnings. And while
there has been some increase in the ratio, it remains well below the 20-year average.
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Other observers have noted that residential real estate prices have risen
significantly in some markets, and that this could pose a financial stability problem.
Since homes are normally purchased with significant debt, a rapid increase in prices
could risk a repeat of the problems of the past decade. Figure 5 looks at the Case-Shiller
home price index in a variety of metro areas. While housing prices have risen in many
markets recently, they remain well below their peak prices.4 Furthermore, if one
compares an index of house prices to a rent index (shown in Figure 6), assessing whether
the values of homes are approximately in line with the services that housing provides, as
reflected in rental rates, house prices have now fallen enough that this ratio is back to
where it was in 1993, well before the run-up in house prices.
Another area of potential concern has been the increase in high-yield bond
issuance. As Figure 7 shows, high-yield bond rates are now quite low by historical
standards. Firms with high-yield bonds are refinancing those bonds, much like many
homeowners have refinanced their houses. This refinancing improves the cash flow of
companies and makes them more able to weather shocks. However, if these yields are
low because investors are bidding aggressively for such bonds, reaching or over-reaching
for higher yields in a low interest rate environment, then one would expect to see highyield bond rates fall more than relatively safe rates, reflecting the strong desire to take on
more of this debt at lower yields, despite its higher risk.
But Figure 8 shows that while the rates have fallen, the decline has largely been
due to the decline in all longer-term interest rates, including safe Treasury rates. The
spread between high-yield bonds and 10-year Treasury securities is currently a little
below the average spread over nearly two decades.5 That means that high-yield rates
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have fallen approximately in line with the rates on safe assets, implying stable rather than
significantly diminished compensation for risk. As Figure 9 shows, high-yield bond rates
have been declining in a manner quite similar to other rates, such as rates on home
mortgages and auto loans.
Another way of looking at this data is that it highlights that the Fed’s program of
purchasing long-term securities has affected a wide range of financial markets – from
safe Treasuries to mortgages to auto loans, well beyond the specific market where the
purchases are occurring. Thus, the decline in high-yield bond rates looks broadly in line
with other market rates, and the widespread rate declines are contributing to a faster
recovery than we would otherwise have seen.
Another potential area of concern is banking. Asset price declines have much
greater economic impact if the assets are held by highly leveraged financial institutions
that may respond to losses by reducing credit availability.
But here the news is somewhat encouraging as well. Figure 10 shows the capital
ratios for the largest banks. Since the financial crisis in 2008, banks have restored their
capital ratios and have raised capital levels much higher than they were prior to the crisis
and recession.6 This reflects both the banks’ tightening of their own capital levels, and
the impact of our stress tests which reveal whether banks are holding sufficient capital to
weather an adverse economic, interest rate, or market shocks. The increased scrutiny of
capital and liquidity at banks has made banks much better positioned to withstand
potential future economic shocks.
Even with more capital and liquidity, however, banks can experience difficulties
if they have very large positions in asset classes that could experience sharp declines in
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prices. Some observers have noted that farmland prices have experienced significant
increases in prices over the past several years. Figure 11 provides the banking industry’s
exposure to agricultural loans by bank size. The largest banks have relatively small
exposures to agricultural loans, less than 1 percent for the largest two categories (banks
exceeding $1 trillion in assets and banks from $100 billion to $1 trillion in assets).
Furthermore, in some parts of the country, like New England, and in urban based areas,
banks’ exposure to agricultural loans is quite modest.
However, in agricultural areas of the country, some smaller banks have a
significant exposure to agricultural loans. Such exposures are unlikely to pose financial
stability concerns that affect the nation. In such circumstances, raising interest rates on
all household and business borrowers, as some have suggested might be appropriate in
response to a boom even in such a narrowly-held sector, seems to me a very blunt tool to
address this exposure. Instead, this seems a particularly good area for continued,
enhanced supervisory focus with individual banks – with large agricultural exposures
being challenged by bank supervisors to ensure the banks have sufficient capital to
sustain a theoretical reversal in farmland prices.
In sum, broad-based financial stability concerns do not seem particularly acute at
this time. Interest rates in most markets have fallen, and asset prices are rising. This is
the expected and intentional result of the Fed’s efforts to promote a more rapid return to
more normalized conditions. As the economy continues to improve, and labor markets
and inflation return to more normalized levels, the recent levels of monetary
accommodation can be reduced.
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This is not to say we should not be vigilant about potential financial stability
concerns. We should remain humble about our ability to detect such imbalances, given
our failure to do so in the recent crisis. Thus we should closely monitor whether the high
degree of monetary accommodation is having unintended consequences. I would now
like to briefly discuss some particular financial stability concerns that I believe should be
watched carefully.
Financial Stability Monitoring and the Need for Additional Regulatory Focus
While the Federal Reserve’s accommodative monetary policy has been an
important driver of the current economic recovery, and the financial stability costs appear
relatively modest at this time, we cannot be Pollyannas. There are areas that we should
closely monitor. Some areas that bear watching, in my view, are specific markets where
underwriting standards are slipping – or where rapid growth in financial products could
become a more significant concern.
In terms of underwriting standards, the covenant quality on new high-yield bond
issuance should be closely monitored. Bond covenants are intended to protect investors,
and the issuance of bonds that reduce or eliminate common covenants in their contracts
could become an area of concern. In fact, there is some evidence that some new bond
issuance reduces covenants that protect investors.7
Also, financial structures that involve the use of short-term borrowing to finance
longer-term assets should be monitored carefully. For example, agency real estate
investment trusts (agency REITS) have grown rapidly, involve leverage, and are
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susceptible to sharp interest rate movements. Such financing structures need to be
monitored to ensure they do not pose broader financial stability concerns.
Finally, many non-depository financial institutions that were susceptible to runs
during the financial crisis still have not resolved that run risk. For example, money
market mutual funds experienced a severe run requiring substantial government
intervention during the crisis, yet the regulatory reform effort is moving only slowly.
Similarly, Federal Reserve Governor Daniel Tarullo8 and New York Fed President
William Dudley9 have raised concerns about broker-dealers and wholesale funding
markets. These concerns have substantial merit and deserve attention.
Concluding Observations
In conclusion and in sum, the economy continues to improve, but at a painfully
slow pace. Actions taken by the Federal Reserve to speed up the pace of the economic
recovery seem to be having the desired impact. Interest-sensitive sectors are growing
more rapidly, asset markets are returning to pre-crisis levels, and economic forecasters
are expecting continued improvements over the next several years.
While the benefits of our actions continue to outweigh the costs, we need to
closely monitor financial instruments, financial institutions, and financial markets for
potentially emerging financial stability concerns. There are areas that I have highlighted
today that require close monitoring – including, unfortunately, some problems in
financial market that were significant contributors to the financial crisis but have not yet
been fully remedied.
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While the economy is improving, global financial conditions remain fragile, as
events in Europe are highlighting. And the economy still has a long way to go before we
have full employment and PCE inflation at about 2 percent. Still, I believe the Federal
Reserve will continue to do its part in this process, with a clear focus on improving
economic conditions for all Americans.
Thank you.
1
The complete Summary of Economic Projections is released with the minutes of the FOMC meeting three
weeks after the date of the policy decision. Table 1 of the SEP, containing the economic projections, is
released in advance, following the FOMC meeting at the time of the Chairman’s press conference. Table 1
contains the range and central tendency of the projections for GDP growth, the unemployment rate, PCE
inflation, and core inflation.
2
In other words is more structural in nature.
3
A parsimonious vector autoregression model.
4
An exception is Denver, which did not experience a substantial decline.
5
More precisely, over the 17 years from March 1996 to the present – the period for which the data series
was available.
6
Quality of capital has also improved, in addition to quantity. There has also been a significant
improvement in the quality of capital as evidenced by the large increase in the more narrowly-defined
tangible capital. Tangible capital, which is more readily available to absorb losses than some broader
measures of capital, increased from 2.4% of tangible assets at the close of 2008 to 6.9% of tangible assets
at the close of 2012 for the same group of large U.S. banking organizations used in the Tier 1 common
capital ratio pictured in Figure 10.
7
The covenant quality decline (or the rise of “covenant lite” arrangements) is present in both leveraged
loans and high yield bonds.
8
See http://www.federalreserve.gov/newsevents/speech/tarullo20121204a.htm
9
See http://www.newyorkfed.org/newsevents/speeches/2013/dud130201.html
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Cite this document
APA
Eric Rosengren (2013, March 26). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20130327_eric_rosengren
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_20130327_eric_rosengren,
author = {Eric Rosengren},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {2013},
month = {Mar},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20130327_eric_rosengren},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}