speeches · February 23, 2012
Regional President Speech
John C. Williams · President
Presentation to the Monetary Policy Forum
New York, N.Y.
By John C. Williams, President and CEO, Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco
For delivery on February 24, 2012
Discussion of “Housing, Monetary Policy, and the Recovery”1
It’s a pleasure to participate in this year’s Monetary Policy Forum. I am particularly
pleased to be discussing today’s paper. The authors have done an excellent job of analyzing and
illuminating a key sector that has had profound effects on the economy, effects that policymakers
have been wrestling with. I appreciate the opportunity to offer some thoughts on these issues.
The paper makes a compelling case that the housing boom and bust are central for
understanding both the depth of the recession and the slow recovery. Indeed, the housing bust
has led to a persistent shortfall in aggregate demand, through a variety of channels.2 The authors
also argue that problems in housing have affected the transmission of monetary policy.
In my comments today, I will focus on two issues. First, I will argue that, although the
collapse in home prices and residential construction has been an important part of the story, it
has not been the only factor weighing on aggregate demand. In particular, the sluggish recovery
has not been limited to regions hard-hit by the housing downturn. Instead, fallout from the
broader financial crisis also reduced aggregate demand through a variety of nonhousing
channels. Second, the resulting large and persistent output gap is national in scope, which calls
1 I would like to thank John Fernald, Fred Furlong, John Krainer, and Sam Zuckerman for assistance in
the preparation of this presentation.
2 See Williams (2012).
1
for strong countercyclical monetary policy.3 After saying that, I should make clear that I am
speaking for myself and not for others in the Federal Reserve System.
The title of the paper is “Housing, Monetary Policy, and the Recovery.” The discussion
and figures in the first half of the paper are, indeed, focused on housing and the recovery. But
the authors then shift to quantifying that the downturn was more severe in states that had larger
declines in home prices. This analysis, along with Amir Sufi’s work with Atif Mian and others,4
sheds light on the important role of housing in exacerbating the downturn. But the authors do
not say much about the recovery phase, which has been anomalous compared with recoveries
from past deep recessions.
This distinction matters. The link between house prices and regional economic activity is
much clearer in the downturn than in the recovery. That point comes through in the next two
figures, one looking at house prices and employment, and the other housing starts. Figure 1
shows the evolution of the cross-sectional correlation between state-level employment growth
and changes in house prices. The blue line shows the monthly correlation across states between
the 12-month change in employment and the 36-month change in home prices. The red line also
uses the 12-month change in employment, but measures the change in home prices relative to a
fixed starting point at the end of 2005. Both lines tell the same story. States with larger declines
in home prices also had larger declines in employment during the downturn. But this correlation
3 One issue that I do not have time to cover is what caused the housing and associated credit bubble in the
first place and what role monetary policy should have in combating bubbles. For further discussion of
these issues, see Williams (2011a, b).
4 See, for example, Mian, Rao, and Sufi (2011).
2
has largely vanished during the recovery. In 2011, the pace of employment growth was similar
for states that had large home price declines and those that did not.
We see the same pattern in housing starts. The downturn was more severe in states that
had larger home price declines. But starts have been more similar during the recovery. The two
bars on the left of Figure 2 show the states that had higher-than-average home price declines.
The blue bar shows the downturn, measured as the level of starts in the second quarter of 2009
relative to the fourth quarter of 2005; the red bar, the recovery, measured as starts in the fourth
quarter of 2011 compared with the second quarter of 2009. The right bars do the same for states
with smaller price declines, or, in a few cases, increases.
During the recession, starts plunged everywhere. But the contraction was larger in high-
price-decline states, where starts fell by a factor of five. Moreover, from 2009 to 2011, there was
only limited recovery anywhere. In fact, the recovery was actually slightly stronger in the
hardest-hit states. Thus, housing was important in explaining regional differences during the
downturn. But once the downward adjustments took place, the disappointing pace of recovery
has been similar across regions, suggesting broad-based factors have been at work.
This evidence supports the view that house-price declines were not the entire story
behind the deep recession and slow recovery. Following on that point, the analysis in this paper
is best viewed in the context of the financial crisis more generally. Certainly, few would dispute
that the housing collapse was a critical factor in triggering the broader financial crisis. For
example, Gary Gorton and others have argued for the central role of concerns about the valuation
of private-label MBS.5 And, housing-related losses at financial institutions impaired credit
5 See Gorton (2008).
3
availability. But these and other dimensions of the financial crisis caused broad additional
effects on aggregate demand. These effects went beyond those due simply to reduced spending
by overleveraged households.
This point is illustrated by a careful examination of the timing of the downturn. Figure 3
shows that house prices peaked in 2006 and had fallen about 20 percent by the time Lehman
Brothers failed in September 2008. Housing starts had already fallen sharply, but effects on
nonhousing indicators were relatively modest. The stock market, though off its highs, was still
about where it had been when home prices peaked. And the economy was bearing the housing
crash reasonably well. In many ways, it looked like a replay of the recession following the dot-
com bust.
In contrast, after Lehman, the stock market and the real economy both went into free fall.
We saw a massive flight to quality, increased demand for liquidity, greater uncertainty and
compensation for risk, and widespread impairment in financial market functioning. These
financial market effects have been important factors in the economy’s performance during the
recession and recovery. And, of course, the current European crisis is certainly not the result of
overleveraged U.S. households, at least not directly.
In this regard, it is interesting to look at analysis of the housing market presented to the
Federal Open Market Committee back in June 2005.6 In my presentation at that meeting, I used
the Board of Governors FRB/US model to examine the effects of a 20 percent decline in home
prices. The model did not explicitly incorporate the types of deleveraging and credit constraint
6 See presentation materials by Williams (2005). See also Mishkin (2007) for a more detailed discussion
of these issues and FRB/US model simulations.
4
channels highlighted by the paper. However, I did include additional spillovers to aggregate
demand and bond premiums to get at some of the imbalances present at the time. The model
simulation implied that the downturn would be relatively modest, though requiring a sizeable
monetary response. For example, with a Taylor rule, the fed funds rate would fall about three
percentage points and the unemployment rate would rise by about one percentage point
following the shock.
Until Lehman, the predictions of that model held up reasonably well. For example, in
August 2008, home prices had fallen almost exactly 20 percent from their peak. The fed funds
rate had been cut from 5¼ percent to 2 percent, and the unemployment rate had risen a little
more than one percentage point to 6.1 percent. According to this analysis, if the housing crash
had not ignited the financial crisis, the macroeconomic effects would not have been disastrous.
Then came the financial crisis. The economy plunged into nearly the worst recession
since World War II. Of course, the model simulations did not foresee the global financial crisis,
with its demand for safety and liquidity, the seizing up of markets, and the effects of these
developments on confidence and aggregate demand. And it is the aftereffects of those events
that are playing a major role in restraining the recovery even today.
In looking at the relative role of the decline in house prices versus the broader downturn
following the financial crisis, it is important to note that the downturn was severe even in places
with smaller house-price declines. Housing starts and employment fell everywhere. Even today,
the unemployment rate in every state remains higher than it was before the Great Recession, as
shown in Figure 4. The unemployment rate rose more in states with above-average house-price
declines. But the increases were also substantial in most states that had smaller-than-average
house-price declines.
5
Not only did almost every state suffer from the downturn, but the recovery has been fairly
similar across regions. Figure 5 depicts a measure of dispersion from state coincident indexes of
economic activity.7 The red line shows that, in the Great Recession, the standard deviation
across states rose substantially. But, since the recovery began, the standard deviation has been
relatively low. Other indicators, such as employment growth, do not show unusual dispersion
across states. This evidence suggests that there hasn’t been a significant difference in growth
between high- and low-price-decline states during the recovery. The slow pace of recovery since
2009 has been widespread, which reflects common obstacles to growth across all states. Some
of these headwinds are clearly related to housing and household balance sheets. Others are only
indirectly related, including tight credit, pervasive economic uncertainty, and weak global
conditions.
What about monetary policy then? The paper’s executive summary notes that current
“headwinds…may require a more aggressive monetary response than in normal downturns.” I
entirely agree.
A notable policy challenge is that the reduction in household and business demand has
pushed us to the zero lower bound on the federal funds rate. A range of monetary policy rules
suggest that the target nominal funds rate should have been substantially negative in recent
years.8 Another challenge is that the monetary transmission mechanism is partially clogged.
Credit market frictions make refinancing and other housing activity less responsive to changes in
interest rates. Fortunately, the monetary transmission mechanism doesn’t work solely through its
7 See Crone and Clayton-Matthews (2005) and Stock and Watson (1989).
8 See, for example, Rudebusch (2009) and Chung et al. (2012).
6
effects on housing, or even through balance sheets and collateral constraints more generally.
Monetary policy also affects the economy through wealth effects, household intertemporal
substitution, the user cost of capital generally, and exchange rates, among other mechanisms.9
But suppose monetary policy is less powerful than usual. That suggests we need to move
our monetary instruments even more than usual to achieve our employment and price-stability
objectives. The paper hints at a potential caveat to this argument: sector- or region-specific
capacity constraints. For example, because of the different housing markets, monetary policy
might be potent in Kansas, but less so in Nevada. By attacking a big output gap in one region,
we could be overheating other regions. This concern is largely hypothetical. It’s not the case
that some areas are overheating and others are languishing. Every region is facing substantial
common headwinds.10
Now, the partially clogged transmission mechanism could suggest that you don’t do more
of everything across the board, but concentrate on policies that affect particular problem areas.
For example, purchases of mortgage-related securities appear to have reduced mortgage rates
significantly, making them particularly useful given the weakness in the housing sector.11 In
addition, as discussed in the paper, fiscal policies could directly address the housing-related
9 See, for example, Reifschneider, Tetlow, and Williams (1999) and Boivin, Kiley, and Mishkin (2010).
10 Even conceptually, this concern doesn’t entirely vitiate the “do-more” conclusion. Suppose the central
bank’s loss function is in terms of a weighted average of squared gaps across regions. If one area has a
large negative gap then, when you square it, the loss is very costly. The central bank would then be
willing to tolerate the opening up of modestly positive gaps in other regions in exchange for decreasing
the very large negative gap.
11 Hancock and Passmore (2011) and Krishnamurthy and Vissing-Jorgensen (2011) find significant
effects of MBS purchases. Stroebel and Taylor (2009), by contrast, do not.
7
headwinds, potentially yielding two benefits—a stronger housing recovery and more powerful
effects from the existing monetary stimulus.12
To conclude, housing is a major factor in the deep downturn and sluggish recovery we’ve
experienced in recent years. It’s not the only headwind. But it’s one of several factors weighing
on aggregate spending by consumers, businesses, and government. An aggregate-demand
shortfall is something monetary policy can be, should be, and is addressing. Thank you.
12 See Board of Governors (2012) and Bernanke (2012).
8
Employment and home prices less related
Figure1: Correlationbetween Employment Growth
and Changes in Home Price Indexes (HPI)
0.8
Correlationof 12-month growth rates in state employment
and 3-year log changes in state HPI (blue)
0.6
0.4
0.2
0
Correlation of 12-month growth rates in state -0.2
employment and log changes in state HPI from
2005.12 (red)
-0.4
1980 1983 1986 1989 1992 1995 1998 2001 2004 2007 2010
Source: CoreLogic,BLS
Starts and home prices
Figure 2: Housing Starts in Downturn and Recovery
Statesgrouped by percent change in home price index 2005.12 to 2011.12 Ratio
2
Downturn
(average starts 2009:Q2)/(average starts 2005:Q4) 1.8
Recovery 1.6
(average starts2011:Q4)/(average starts 2009:Q2)
1.4
1.2
1
0.8
0.6
0.4
0.2
0
High (greater than average) decline in HPI Low (average or below) decline in HPI
Source: Haver Analytics and CoreLogic
9
After Lehman, stock market/economy in free fall
Figure 3: Equity and Home PriceIndexes
Lehman
220 bankruptcy 1600
210 1500
S&P 500
200 (Right Axis) 1400
190 1300
180 1200
170 1100
160 1000
150 900
140 800
CoreLogic HPI
130 (Left Axis) 700
120 600
2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012
Source: Haver Analytics;CoreLogic. Home price index includes distressed properties. Stock price index is the monthly
average of daily index values. All series are nominal and not seasonally adjusted.
10
Recovery similar (slow) across states
Figure 5: Economic Activity Indexes Across States
Annualized 3-month rolling average
0.15 0.15
0.1 0.1
Standard Deviation
0.05 0.05
0 0
Average
-0.05 (weightedby GSP) -0.05
The FRB Philadelphia's Coincident Indexesof Economic Activity Index
for the 50 states are based on four indicators: nonfarm payroll employment,
-0.1 the unemployment rate, average hours worked in manufacturing and -0.1
wages and salaries. The trend for each state's index is set to
the trend for gross state product.
-0.15 -0.15
1979 1983 1987 1991 1995 1999 2003 2007 2011
Source: Haver Analytics
References
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Cite this document
APA
John C. Williams (2012, February 23). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20120224_john_c_williams
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_20120224_john_c_williams,
author = {John C. Williams},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {2012},
month = {Feb},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20120224_john_c_williams},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}