speeches · September 22, 2011
Regional President Speech
John C. Williams · President
Presentation to the Swiss National Bank Research Conference
Zurich, Switzerland
By John C. Williams, President and CEO, Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco
For delivery on September 23, 2011
Unconventional Monetary Policy: Lessons from the Past Three Years1
Thank you for the kind introduction and for giving me the opportunity to address this
very distinguished group in the beautiful city of Zurich. The Swiss National Bank’s annual
research conference has established itself as one of the world’s most substantive forums for
discussion of monetary policy issues. The theme selected for this year’s conference, “Policy
Challenges and Developments in Monetary Economics,” is particularly timely and relevant. In
the past three years, there has certainly been no shortage of policy challenges and developments
in the field of monetary economics.
Chairman Bernanke said, “Extraordinary times call for extraordinary measures.”2 Well,
extraordinary measures have been taken. In the face of severe dislocations in financial markets
and deep declines in economic activity, several central banks have lowered short-term policy
rates essentially to their zero lower bound. A number of central banks—including the Federal
Reserve—have also used nonstandard or “unconventional” monetary policies. By that I mean
efforts to influence interest rates and economic activity using tools other than the short-term
policy rate.
Before the financial crisis, most everything we knew about unconventional monetary
policy came from studies of Japan’s Lost Decade and a few scattered episodes in the United
States. Now, as a result of the events of the past three years, we have numerous examples of
1 I would like to thank Eric Swanson, Glenn Rudebusch, and Sam Zuckerman for assistance in the preparation of
these remarks.
2 Bernanke (2009).
1
unconventional monetary policy to study. Tonight I’d like to review some of the lessons gleaned
from these experiences. I also want to highlight some of the key remaining questions regarding
the implementation of such policies and their effectiveness as monetary stimulus.
In my remarks, I’ll focus on two of these unconventional monetary policy tools—forward
policy guidance and large-scale asset purchases, or LSAPs in Fedspeak. There are two reasons
for this focus. First, these are the policies that the Federal Reserve and other central banks have
relied on most heavily over the past three years.3 As a result, they are also the policies that
we’ve learned the most about. And second, these policies are ongoing, and therefore likely to be
the most relevant for thinking about future policy. I suppose this is an opportune time to add that
my remarks represent my own views and not necessarily those of others in the Federal Reserve
System.
Forward policy guidance
Prior to the crisis, the theoretical literature on the zero lower bound was virtually
unanimous on one point: A central bank with the ability to credibly commit to a future path of
short-term interest rates could, except in the most extreme cases, circumvent the effects of the
zero lower bound.4 This conclusion stemmed from two insights. First, the output gap and
inflation rate in standard textbook New Keynesian models are completely determined by long-
term interest rates. They do not depend on the short-term rate, except to the extent that the long-
term rate is equal to the expected path of future short-term rates. Second, if a central bank can
credibly commit to future policy actions, it can continue to control longer-term interest rates,
even when the short-term rate is at the zero lower bound. It can do so by “managing
3 Another unconventional monetary policy, analyzed by Svensson (2001), is large-scale foreign currency purchases.
Indeed, the Swiss National Bank’s recent exchange rate announcement can be thought of as an unconventional
monetary policy action in this respect. However, there is still relatively little empirical research on the effectiveness
of this approach and so I do not discuss it further here.
4 See, for example, Reifschneider and Williams (2000) and Eggertsson and Woodford (2003, 2006).
2
expectations” about the future path of short-term rates. Thus, in theory, forward guidance about
the future path of policy is a potentially powerful tool that can almost completely solve a central
bank’s problems at the zero lower bound.
However, there are reasons to be skeptical that forward guidance would be such a
panacea in practice. One of these caveats is implicit in the theory itself. The optimal forward
guidance policy is not time-consistent. According to the theory, for this policy to have the
desired effects, the central bank must commit to two things: keeping the short-term policy rate
lower than it otherwise would in the future, and allowing inflation to rise higher than it otherwise
would. However, when the time comes for the central bank to fulfill this commitment, it may not
want to do so. It might find it hard to resist the temptation to raise rates earlier than promised to
avoid the rise in inflation.5 Indeed, policymakers have generally shied away from policies that
promise temporarily high inflation in the future, such as price level targeting, that are in theory
effective at circumventing the zero bound. This reluctance arises in part out of a concern that
such an approach could unmoor inflation expectations.6
A second caveat to the power of forward guidance is that the public may have different
expectations of the future course of the economy and monetary policy than the central bank. The
expectations channel is crucial for the effectiveness of optimal forward guidance policy. If the
public has an imperfect understanding of the central bank’s intended policy path, then forward
guidance may not work as well as advertised.7 Therefore, a key challenge for forward guidance
is communicating the intended policy path to the public. Complicating this communication
challenge further, optimal forward guidance is inherently state-contingent and depends on
myriad factors and risk assessments. These are inherently difficult to convey to the public.
5 See Adam and Billi (2007), who show that the effects of the zero lower bound are much larger when the central
bank cannot commit to future policy actions.
6 Evans (2010) is an exception. See Walsh (2009) for a discussion of this issue.
7 See Reifschneider and Roberts (2006) and Williams (2006).
3
Moreover, the public and the media tend to gloss over such nuances and take away simple sound
bites.
There are a number of examples of central banks using forward guidance on monetary
policy. A few central banks—New Zealand, Norway, and Sweden—provide explicit forward
guidance in the form of policy rate projections. Other central banks providing guidance have
limited themselves to short statements indicating the direction and time frame of future policy
actions, rather than full descriptions of an intended policy path.8 The Federal Reserve’s public
use of phrases such as “considerable period,” “measured pace,” and “extended period” falls into
this category. The Bank of Canada and the Bank of Japan have also used forward guidance
regarding the timing of and conditions for rate increases.9
Let me conclude my discussion of forward guidance by summarizing the evidence of its
effectiveness. Several studies have examined the effects of central bank communication more
generally.10 They found that the Federal Reserve’s policy statements have significant effects on
financial market expectations of future policy actions and on Treasury yields. Only a few studies
have looked at the effectiveness of forward guidance policies at the zero lower bound. One
example was the Bank of Canada’s April 2009 statement that it expected to hold the policy rate
constant until the second quarter of 2010, which had an immediate effect on financial market
expectations regarding short-term interest rates. The conditionality of the guidance worked as
well. When the Canadian economy appeared to be recovering from the recession more quickly
8 Rudebusch and Williams (2008) provide a discussion of these attempts.
9 Bank of Canada (2009). In 1999, the Bank of Japan announced that it would continue its zero interest rate policy
“until deflationary concerns are dispelled.” In 2010 it said, “The Bank will maintain the virtually zero interest rate
policy until it judges, on the basis of the ‘understanding of medium- to long-term price stability’ that price stability
is in sight, on condition that no problem will be identified in examining risk factors, including the accumulation of
financial imbalances.”
10 See Gurkaynak, Sack, and Swanson (2005); Kohn and Sack (2004); and Bernanke, Reinhart, and Sack (2004).
4
than anticipated, market participants began to expect interest rates to rise ahead of the previously
announced date.11
Of course, we at the Fed have our own recent case study that speaks to the effectiveness
of forward guidance. The Federal Open Market Committee’s statement issued following our
August meeting said, “The Committee currently anticipates that economic conditions—including
low rates of resource utilization and a subdued outlook for inflation over the medium run—are
likely to warrant exceptionally low levels for the federal funds rate at least through mid-2013.”
As Figure 1 shows, two-year Treasury yields fell by about 10 basis points and ten-year Treasury
yields fell by about 20 basis points following the announcement. This provides prima facie
evidence of the powerful effects of forward guidance at the zero bound.
Large-scale asset purchases
Let me turn now to large-scale asset purchases, or LSAPs, the main alternative to forward
guidance in the unconventional monetary policy arena today. LSAPs are central bank purchases
of securities funded by an increase in reserves. Their history is older than forward guidance. It
goes back at least to Operation Twist, the 1961 joint initiative of the Kennedy Administration
and the Federal Reserve to purchase longer-term Treasury securities. More recently, the Bank of
Japan began its so-called quantitative easing policy in 2001. It ultimately resulted in Bank
purchases of almost 35 trillion yen of Japanese government bonds. In March 2009, the Bank of
England announced it would purchase 200 billion pounds of U.K. gilts. And the Federal Reserve
carried out three rounds of large-scale asset purchases during the Great Recession. Two rounds
of “QE1” took place in November 2008 and March 2009, during the financial crisis. The third
round followed the “QE2” announcement in November 2010.
11 See Chehal and Trehan (2009).
5
A number of theories consider the channels by which LSAPs affect Treasury yields and
financial conditions more broadly.12 I will highlight two: signaling and portfolio. The signaling
channel works through the effects asset purchases have on public expectations of future short-
term interest rates. The portfolio channel works through the effects on factors that affect yields
other than expectations of future short-term interest rates.
The basic idea of the signaling channel is that, when the central bank conducts asset
purchases, it is signaling its strong intention to add monetary stimulus by other means as well.
Such signaling may lower longer-term yields in two ways. First, it could lower the expected
future path of short-term rates. Second, it could reduce the uncertainty around this path, which
may reduce the interest rate risk associated with holding longer-term securities.
The theories underlying the portfolio channel are more diverse. In part, this is because
the workhorse models of asset pricing—the representative-agent consumption CAPM model and
the affine arbitrage-free model—generally do not allow the supply of a security to affect its
price. In those frameworks, the supply of the asset is irrelevant for asset pricing.13 Instead, one
has to go back to older, more eclectic theories of asset pricing, such as Tobin’s “portfolio
balance” model or Modigliani and Sutch’s “preferred habitat” theory. These assume that a range
of heterogeneous investors have different preferences for different asset classes and that arbitrage
across these asset classes is limited. This approach has been integrated into a modern, no-
arbitrage, asset-pricing framework and has been used to guide empirical analysis of LSAP
effects.14
12 See Krishnamurthy and Vissing-Jorgensen (2011) for a thorough discussion.
13 Piazzesi and Schneider (2007) explore quantity effects in the consumption-CAPM framework, whereby changes
in the relative supplies of different assets affect the household’s consumption process and optimal portfolio decision.
However, this channel results in only very small effects on asset prices.
14 See Vayanos and Vila (2009) for a recent theoretical model, and Greenwood and Vayanos (2008) and Hamilton
and Wu (2011) for empirical applications.
6
There has been a profusion of studies estimating the effects of LSAPs on asset prices.
Table 1 summarizes a number of these studies. In order to facilitate comparison, the estimated
effects in each analysis have been renormalized to correspond to the estimated effect on longer-
term bond yields of a $600 billion LSAP operation. That, of course, was the size of the Federal
Reserve’s asset purchase program completed earlier this year.
Except for a few outliers, the estimated effects on Treasury yields are remarkably close,
especially when you consider the wide variety of sample periods and methods employed.
Specifically, the estimated effects typically lie in the neighborhood of 15 to 20 basis points.
Generally, the estimates are reasonably precise. Although some might argue that 15 to 20 basis
points is small, keep in mind that the typical response of the 10-year Treasury yield to a 75 basis
point cut in the federal funds rate is also about 15 to 20 basis points.15 I’ve never heard anyone
argue that a 75 basis point cut in the funds rate is small potatoes!
Although there is general agreement regarding the magnitude of LSAP effects on
Treasury yields, there is less agreement regarding the channels LSAPs work through, as
discussed in the paper by Bauer and Rudebusch16 presented at this conference. One way to
distinguish between the signaling and portfolio channels is to examine the responses of a variety
of yields and asset prices to LSAPs. If the main effect is through signaling, then we would
expect a strong co-movement among all classes of longer-term yields. In contrast, a relatively
muted response of assets that are not close substitutes for Treasury securities would be evidence
of a portfolio effect.
The evidence is far from conclusive, but it does tentatively support some role for the
portfolio channel. First, by some measures, expected short rates fell by less than government
15 See Chung et al. (2011, p. 24).
16 Bauer and Rudebusch (2011).
7
securities of equivalent maturity.17 Second, there is some evidence in the literature that the pass-
through from purchases of Treasury securities to private borrowing rates, such as corporate bond
rates, may be relatively low.18 To the extent that this is true, it would argue against a strong
signaling effect. That said, there remains a great deal of uncertainty regarding the relative
importance of these channels.
Moreover, there is also uncertainty regarding how the portfolio channel actually works.
In particular, to what extent is it the size or the composition of the central bank’s balance sheet
that matters? This question is no mere theoretical curiosity, but has very real practical relevance.
For example, it is critical for gauging the efficacy of a maturity extension program that lengthens
the maturity of securities holding with no change in the quantity of holdings, such as the policy
announced earlier this week by the FOMC. This program contrasts with a policy that simply
increases the holdings of Treasury securities, such as the Fed’s second asset purchase program
initiated late last year. The size-versus-composition question bears directly on the relative
effectiveness of the two policy variants. In addition, the question is relevant for comparing the
effects of a policy of purchasing Treasury securities with one of buying mortgage-backed
securities.
Further research
As I have discussed, researchers have made great strides in improving our understanding
of the effects of unconventional policies. The evidence from the experiences of the past few
years convincingly demonstrates that both forward guidance and large scale asset purchases are
useful policy tools when short-term interest rates are constrained by the zero bound. Despite this
17 See Gagnon et al. (2011) and Joyce et al. (2011).
18 See Swanson (2011), Krishnamurthy and Vissing-Jorgensen (2011), Joyce et al. (2011), and Wright (2011) for
analysis of the effects on private rates. Neely (2011) finds strong pass-through from the Fed’s LSAPs to yields on
foreign sovereign debt.
8
progress, I see at least four important issues that are in need of further study. First, what are the
effects of LSAPs on the overall economy? Specifically, does lowering Treasury yields through
LSAPs have the same effect on the economy as an equivalent movement in the federal funds
rate? Or, are the effects of LSAPs attenuated owing to limited pass-through to other asset prices
or limited duration of LSAP effects?19
Second, what approach should central banks take in formulating and communicating
unconventional policies, whether forward guidance or LSAP programs? For example, what are
the advantages of targeting a specific quantity of LSAPs as opposed to targeting a level or ceiling
on interest rates at a particular point on the yield curve? This question is, of course, a new take
on Poole’s (1970) analysis of the choice of a monetary policy instrument. And, if a quantity
approach is preferable, should LSAP programs be formulated more like a policy rule rather than
discrete lump-sum announcements?20
Third, should unconventional policies be a regular part of our toolkit or should they be
reserved only for extraordinary times? That is, should forward guidance and LSAPs complement
standard short-rate policies at all times or only at the zero lower bound? These policies are still
relatively unfamiliar to the public. Consequently, their effects on the public’s inflation
expectations, appetite for risk, and so forth are difficult to predict. This adds an element of
uncertainty and raises concern about unintended consequences. In addition, LSAPs may create
distortions to asset prices or financial market functioning. These negative effects have received
scant attention in the research literature and are not well understood. Of course, these costs must
be weighed against the value of asset purchases for macroeconomic stabilization.
Finally, how do these policies change our thinking about the optimal rate of inflation? In
particular, if unconventional monetary policies can effectively circumvent the zero lower bound,
19 See Baumeister and Benati (2010) and Chung et al. (2011) for analyses of the macroeconomic effects of LSAPs.
See Wright (2011) for a discussion of the duration of LSAP effects.
20 See Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis (2009).
9
then there is less of a need for an inflation cushion. But, if these policies cannot in practice be
used as substitutes for reducing the short-term rate, then there is greater need for an inflation
cushion.
These questions offer a wealth of important topics for researchers to explore. The lessons
we learn from this research will be critically important when central bankers consider
unconventional policies in the future. On that note, let me end with a little forward guidance: I
expect we will have an extended period of policy challenges, and that developments in monetary
economics will be crucial to the future success of monetary policy. Thank you very much.
10
Figure 1: Intraday Treasury Yields
Percent Percent
0.50 2.5
FOMC
announcement
0.45
2.4
0.40
2.3
0.35
10-year yield
0.30 (right axis)
2.2
0.25
2-year yield
2.1
(left axis)
0.20
0.15 2.0
8/8/11 8/9/11 8/10/11 8/11/11
Note: Trading data from 9:30am to 4:00p m EDT, at five-minute intervals (source: Bloomberg)
11
Table 1: Empirical Estimates of LSAP Effects
Estimated Effect
of $600 billion
Study Sample Method LSAP
(±2 std errs if
avail.)a
Modigliani-Sutch
Operation Twist time series 0 bp (±20 bp)
(1966, 1967)
Bernanke-Reinhart- Japan, 400 bp (±370 bp),
event study
Sack (2004) U.S. 40 bp (±60 bp)
Greenwood-Vayanos postwar U.S.
time series 14 bp (±7 bp)
(2008) (pre-crisis)
Krishnamurthy-Vissing- postwar U.S.,
time series 15 bp (±5 bp)
Jorgensen (2010, 2011) QE1, and QE2
Gagnon-Raskin- event study, 30 bp (±15 bp),
QE1
Remache-Sack (2011) time series 18 bp (±7 bp)
QE1 Treasury security-specific
D’Amico-King (2010) 100 bp (±80 bp)
purchases event study
affine
Hamilton-Wu (2011) QE2 17 bp
no-arbitrage model
Hancock-Passmore depends,
QE1 MBS purchases time series
(2011) roughly 30 bp
Swanson (2011) Operation Twist event study 15 bp (±10 bp)
Joyce-Lasaosa-Stevens- event study,
U.K. LSAPs 40 bp
Tong (2011) time series
effect of U.S. QE1 on
Neely (2011) event study 17 bp (±13 bp)
foreign bond yields
aSource: Modigliani-Sutch (1966, Sections 3-4), Bernanke-Reinhart-Sack (2004, Table 7, Figure 6, and author’s
calculations), Greenwood-Vayanos (2008, Table 2), Krishnamurthy-Vissing-Jorgensen (2011, Section 4), Gagnon
et al. (2011, Tables 1-2), D’Amico-King (2010, Figure 3), Hamilton-Wu (2011, Figure 11), Hancock-Passmore
(2011, Table 5), Swanson (2011, Table 3), Chung et al. (Figure 10), Joyce et al. (2011, Figure 9), Neely (2011,
Table 2). Almost all of these estimates involve author’s calculations to renormalize the effect to a $600 billion
U.S. LSAP.
12
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15
Cite this document
APA
John C. Williams (2011, September 22). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20110923_john_c_williams
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_20110923_john_c_williams,
author = {John C. Williams},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {2011},
month = {Sep},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20110923_john_c_williams},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}