speeches · October 4, 2009
Regional President Speech
William C. Dudley · President
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK of NEW YORK ServingtheSecondDistrictandtheNation
SPEECH
A Bit Better, but Very Far from Best
October 5, 2009
William C. Dudley, President and Chief Executive Officer
Remarks at the Fordham Corporate Law Center Lecture, New York
Thank you for having me here to speak today. It is a real pleasure to have this opportunity to discuss the economic outlook and the
challenges that face the Federal Reserve in terms of monetary policy going forward. As always, my remarks reflect my own views
and opinions and not necessarily those of the Federal Open Market Committee or the Federal Reserve System.
My assessment of where things stand today is mixed. On the positive side, the financial markets are performing better and the
economy is now recovering. In fact, the improvement in financial conditions has caused usage of the Fed’s special liquidity
facilities to fall considerably. Consistent with their design, these facilities have become relatively less attractive as market
conditions have improved. Also, the Federal Reserve has begun to taper its rate of asset purchases. The Treasury purchase
program will end this month and the agency mortgage-backed securities purchase program by the end of the first quarter of 2010.
On the negative side, the unemployment rate is much too high and it seems likely that the recovery will be less robust than desired.
This means that the economy has significant excess slack and implies that we face meaningful downside risks to inflation over the
next year or two. Also, there are those who express anxiety about whether the Fed has the tools and the will to raise the federal
funds rate when the time is appropriate. I want to assure you that the Fed has the tools to tighten monetary policy regardless the
size of its balance sheet. Moreover, we have the will to do so in order to keep inflation in check.
Turning first to the developments in financial markets, there is little doubt that we have seen a vast improvement over the past six
months. The major equity indices have risen sharply, credit spreads have narrowed and bank equity prices have generally shown a
substantial recovery. Many large financial and nonfinancial firms have found it relatively easy again to tap the debt and equity
markets.
The recovery in financial asset prices has been mirrored—albeit with a lag—in the economy. Industrial production has begun to
rebound as the pace of inventory liquidation has slowed. Housing prices and activity have recovered somewhat—aided by the
improvement in housing affordability and the first-time homebuyer tax credit. Fiscal stimulus is providing support to
consumption and to state and local infrastructure spending.
The vicious cycle we had a year ago—in which the deterioration in financial markets led to economic weakness and that weakness
reinforced the tightening of financial conditions—has been broken. In fact, to some extent, it has been replaced with a virtuous
cycle. As financial markets have recovered, that has led to an improvement in business and consumer sentiment that, in turn, has
helped to lift the economy, spurring further gains in financial asset prices.
In the same way that the improvement in market conditions is helping to support a sustainable economic recovery, the fact that
the recovery in economic activity is a world-wide phenomenon helps mitigate the risk of a so-called “double-dip.” The recovery in
foreign demand should help to support the U.S. economy even if U.S. domestic demand grows more slowly than anticipated. Given
these developments, the consensus forecast of about 3 percent annualized real GDP growth in the second half of the year appears
reasonable.
However, I also suspect that the recovery will turn out to be moderate by historical standards. This is a disappointing outcome in
that growth will likely not be strong enough to bring the unemployment rate—currently 9.8 percent —down quickly.
I see three major forces restraining the pace of this recovery. First, households are unlikely to have fully adjusted to the net wealth
shock that has been generated by the housing price decline and the weakness in share prices. Peak to trough, home prices
nationwide have declined by 11.5 percent measured by the FHFA (Federal Housing Finance Agency) index and by 32 percent
according to the 20-city Case-Shiller index. With respect to stock prices, the S&P 500 index has recovered by more than 50 percent
from the trough reached in March. But this should be put in context. The S&P 500 index is still about one-third below its recent
peak in October 2007. Moreover, compared with its level ten years ago, the S&P 500 index is down by about 20 percent.
The shock to household net worth seems likely to have several important implications for household behavior. The shock creates a
risk that the household saving rate could increase further. For example, during the period from 1990 to 1992, the household saving
rate averaged about 7 percent of disposable personal income, considerably higher than the 4.3 percent average rate during the first
half of this year. If the household saving rate were to rise, then consumption would rise more slowly than income, making it more
difficult for the economy to develop strong forward momentum. In addition, it seems likely that some workers will respond to the
wealth shock by postponing their retirement. This suggests that the labor force participation rate may rise once labor market
conditions improve. This would tend to push up the unemployment rate, all else being equal.
The second force that could restrain the recovery is the fiscal outlook. The fiscal stimulus that is currently providing support to
economic activity is temporary rather than permanent. This has to be the case if we are to ensure that fiscal policy is on a
sustainable path over the long-run. This means that the positive impulse from fiscal stimulus will abate over the next year.
The third, and perhaps most important factor, is that the banking system has still not fully recovered. Bank credit losses lag the
business cycle and are still climbing. Thus, while banks’ access to the capital markets has sharply improved, banks are still capital
constrained and hesitant to expand their lending. Most importantly, some significant classes of borrowers—namely commercial
real estate and small business—are almost wholly dependent on the banking sector for funds, and those funds are not easily
forthcoming.
The commercial real estate sector is under particular pressure because the fundamentals of the sector have deteriorated sharply
and because the sector is highly dependent upon bank lending. In terms of the fundamentals, there are two problems. First, the
capitalization rate—the ratio of income to valuation—has climbed sharply. At the peak, capitalization rates for prime properties
were in the range of 5 percent. That means that investors were willing to pay $20 for a $1 of income. Today, the capitalization rate
appears to have risen to about 8 percent. That means that the same dollar of income is now capitalized as worth only $12.50. In
other words, if income were stable, the value of the properties would have fallen by 37.5 percent. Second, the income generated by
commercial real estate has generally been falling. For example, as the recession has pushed up the unemployment rate, the
demand for office building space has declined; as the recession has led to a reduction in discretionary travel, hotel occupancy rates
and room prices have declined; and as retail sales have weakened, this has reduced the demand for prime retail property space.
The decline in commercial real estate valuations has created a significant amount of “rollover risk” when commercial real estate
loans and mortgages mature and need to be refinanced. The slump in valuations pushes up loan-to-value ratios. This makes
lenders wary about extending new credit, even in the case when these loans are performing on a cash flow basis. This means that
more pain likely lies ahead for this sector and for those banks with heavy commercial real estate exposures.
For small business borrowers, there are three problems. First, the fundamentals of their businesses have often deteriorated
because of the length and severity of the recession—making many less creditworthy. Second, some sources of funding for small
businesses—credit card borrowing and home equity loans—have dried up as banks have responded to rising credit losses in these
areas by tightening credit standards. Third, small businesses have few alternative sources of funds. They are too small to borrow in
the capital markets and the Small Business Administration programs are not large enough to accommodate more than a small
fraction of the demand from this sector.
All of these factors will tend to inhibit the pace of the economic recovery. Given that the recovery is starting with an abnormally
large amount of slack, and the pace of recovery is not likely to be robust, this means the economy is likely to have significant excess
resources for some time to come. As a result, the balance of risks to inflation lies on the downside, not the upside, at least for the
next year or two.
To see why this is the case, it is useful to note that inflation dynamics are mainly driven by two factors—the degree of capital and
labor resource utilization relative to sustainable levels, and long-run inflation expectations. The degree of resource utilization is
essentially driven by the business cycle and, and to some extent, by the Fed’s success in achieving the “maximum sustainable
growth” component of its dual mandate. Inflation expectations, on the other hand, are driven by a combination of actual inflation
outcomes and the credibility of the central bank’s commitment to price stability. If inflation is low and the central bank is credible,
then long-run inflation expectations are likely to remain well anchored.
In practice, the relationship between the inflation rate and the level of resource utilization is very difficult to estimate accurately.
This stems, in part, from the fact that the data on inflation and resource utilization are “noisy” and because sustainable levels of
resource utilization are not directly observable. The fact that there is often not much resource slack in the economy also makes it
hard to discern a clear empirical relationship.
Unfortunately, in this episode, we don't need a precise estimate of slack to be highly confident that the level of slack in the labor
market is at or above the record of the post-World War II period. Although the headline unemployment rate of 9.8 percent is
about one percentage point below its level at the end of the 1981-82 recession, other, more indicative measures paint a bleaker
picture. For example, the prime age male unemployment rate is at a record high, by a significant margin. The labor market data
released last Friday showed the September value at 10.4 percent, an increase of 6.5 percentage points from the start of the
recession. In contrast, in the 1981-82 recession the prime age male unemployment rate peaked at 9.3 percent, rising by 4.2
percentage points from the start of that recession.
Over the post-World War II period as a whole, it was only in the wake of the 1981-82 and 1990-91 recessions that the prime age
male unemployment rate remained above 6 percent for more than just a few months. In addition, during all post-war expansions,
the prime age male unemployment rate has fallen below 5 percent, even during the short expansion of 1980-81. Currently, even
under very optimistic forecasts for the economy, it appears very unlikely that the prime age male unemployment rate will dip
below 6 percent before 2011.
Alongside the current unusually high degree of labor market slack, we have a situation in which core inflation levels are low by
historical standards. Continuing the comparison with the recession of 1981-82, it is worth noting that the core inflation rate today
is almost 5 percentage points lower than it was toward the end of that episode. In addition, historical experience shows that the
slack generated during a recession typically pushes core inflation lower in the early stages of recovery. So far, this cycle looks little
different. As the degree of slack in the economy has climbed over the past year, measures of core inflation, particularly of core
services inflation, have moderated. The tendency for service price movements to be persistent, coupled with the current unusually
large amount of slack in the economy, suggests that the core inflation rate is more likely to fall than it is to rise over the next 12 to
18 months.
In summary, I believe the current balance of risks around the inflation outlook lie to the downside due to the very low level of
resource utilization and the fact that long-run inflation expectations remain stable. This balance of risks is problematic because the
current level of inflation is already so low—the core PCE (personal consumption expenditures) deflator has increased only 1.3
percent over the past 12 months. Thus, we would not need much of a decline in inflation to run the risk of an outright deflation.
Outright deflation, in turn, would be a dangerous development because it would drive up real debt burdens and make it much
more difficult for households and businesses to deleverage.
So what are the implications of all this for monetary policy?
The first implication is that the federal funds rate target is likely to remain exceptionally low for “an extended period.” The desired
policy outcome is a robust recovery in the context of price stability.
The second implication is that the Federal Reserve needs to ensure that market participants and the public understand that the
FOMC has the tools to exit smoothly from the very low federal funds rate, and that it stands ready to do so when the time comes.
On this point, let me be perfectly clear: An enlarged balance sheet and the high level of excess reserves in the banking system will
not delay or prevent a timely exit.
The angst about the Fed’s ability to exit smoothly stems from the rapid growth of its balance sheet over the past year. In
September 2008, on the eve of Lehman Brothers’ failure, the consolidated Federal Reserve balance sheet was about $900 billion.
Today it is about $2.15 trillion, and it is likely to peak at around $2.5 trillion early next year.
Some observers are concerned that this expansion will ultimately prove to be inflationary. Proponents of this view say that the
monetary base, the broad monetary aggregates, and total credit outstanding have historically tended to move together with
inflation, at least over longer time periods. Thus, if the monetary base is growing rapidly, as it has been over the past year with the
growth in the Fed’s balance sheet, the argument is that this growth will ultimately lead to inflation.
This concern is not well founded because the Federal Reserve now has the ability to pay interest on excess reserves (IOER), and
this tool allows us to prevent excess reserves from leading to excessive credit creation. It works as follows. Because the Federal
Reserve is the safest of counterparties, the IOER rate effectively becomes the risk-free rate. By raising that rate, the Federal
Reserve raises the cost of credit because banks will not lend at rates below the IOER when they can instead hold these excess
reserves on deposit with the Fed. Because banks no longer seek to lend out their excess reserves, there is no increase in the amount
of credit outstanding, no increase in economic activity and no risk that excessive credit creation will fuel an inflationary spiral.
In the event that the ability to pay interest on excess reserves for any reason proved insufficient or the excess reserves themselves
had unanticipated side effects that the Fed wished to mitigate, we are developing a number of tools that can be used to drain
reserves. Two such tools are large reverse repos with dealers and other investors and term deposit facilities for banks.
Finally, the Federal Reserve could always drain reserves the old-fashioned way, by selling assets. The vast bulk of the Fed’s
portfolio is highly liquid—currently we hold $769 billion of Treasury securities, $692 billion of agency mortgage-backed securities,
and $131 billion of agency debt against about $900 billion of excess reserves. All the excess reserves could be mopped up by asset
sales alone if that proved necessary.
The Federal Reserve has been very aggressive in responding to the financial crisis. We have rolled out numerous new liquidity
facilities and have engaged in lending activity under Section 13(3) of the Federal Reserve Act for the first time since the Great
Depression. These actions have been successful in mitigating the risks of financial collapse and a more severe contraction in
economic activity. The financial system is now healthier and the economy is recovering.
But despite these successes, we need to be clear that what has happened to our financial system and the economy is wholly
unsatisfactory, and that a broad range of regulatory policies and practices need to be recalibrated to address the shortcomings of
our financial system. With inflation low and long-run inflation expectations stable, and our ability to remove monetary
accommodation in a timely manner intact, our near-term focus should be to keep significant monetary accommodation in place
for an extended period in order to achieve our dual objectives of maximum employment and stable prices.
Thank you for your kind attention. I would be very happy to take a few questions.
12-Month Core PCE; Percentage Point Cliff ere~ From NBER Trough
" "
3,0 -------~--------------~ 3.0
2.4 2.4
1,8 1 6
1.2 1.2
0.6 0.6
0,0 0.0
-0,6 -0.6
-1.2 -1.2
-1.8 ~ ..;:,,....------, .1_6
-2.4 -2.4
-3.0 -3.0
•3.6 •3.6
-4.2 -4.2
-4.8 -4.6
-5.4 -5.4
-6,0 ~~~~~~-~~~~~~~~~~~~-~ -6.0
-12 -10 -,'! -E -4 -2 0 2 4 6 6 10 12 14 16 18 20 22 24
Months Sin«, N8ER Trough
SOutt:~: But@au of Et:onomie Ana1v~i~
VIDEO
Cite this document
APA
William C. Dudley (2009, October 4). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20091005_william_c_dudley
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_20091005_william_c_dudley,
author = {William C. Dudley},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {2009},
month = {Oct},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20091005_william_c_dudley},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}