speeches · June 25, 2009
Regional President Speech
William C. Dudley · President
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK of NEW YORK ServingtheSecondDistrictandtheNation
SPEECH
Lessons Learned from the Financial Crisis
June 26, 2009
Posted July 3, 2009
William C. Dudley, President and Chief Executive Officer
Remarks at the Eighth Annual BIS Conference,
Basel, Switzerland
In assessing the lessons of the past two years, I will focus on five broad themes that are interrelated:
• Interconnectedness of the financial system
• System dynamics—How does the system respond to shocks?
• Incentives—Can we improve outcomes by changing incentives?
• Transparency
• How should central banks respond to asset bubbles?
As always, my views are my own and may not necessarily reflect those of the FOMC or the Federal Reserve System.
Interconnectedness
This financial crisis has exposed how important the interconnections are among the banking system, capital markets, and payment
and settlement systems. Focus on only one part of the financial system can obscure vulnerabilities that may prove very important.
For example, the disruption of the securitization markets caused by the poor performance of highly-rated debt securities, led to
significant problems for major financial institutions. Banks had to take assets back on their books; backstop lines of credit were
triggered; and banks could no longer securitize loans, increasing the pressure on their balance sheets. This reduced credit
availability, which increased the downward pressure on economic activity, which caused asset values to decline further, increasing
the degree of stress in the financial system.
The high degree of interconnectedness across the financial system has a number of implications. First, supervision must not just
be vertical—firm by firm, or region by region, but also horizontal—looking broadly across banks, securities firms, markets and
geographies.
Second, this means that supervisory practices need to be revamped. They need to be coordinated and multi-disciplinary. I think
the U.S. Treasury is right in proposing a systemic risk regulator as part of their regulatory reform plan. But, we shouldn’t kid
ourselves about how difficult this will be to execute. You will need a flexible and dynamic governance process to be able to identify
the important elements of systemic risk, to elevate those concerns to the appropriate level and then to act on those concerns in a
timely manner. It will take the right people, with the right skill sets, operating in a system with the right culture and legal
framework. I don’t believe creating this oversight process will be an easy task. Consider, for example, subprime lending. There
were obvious excesses in terms of underwriting standards, product design and risk management. But addressing those issues
during the boom would have required the supervisor to absorb attacks that reining in some of these practices would make it more
difficult for some low- and moderate-income households to become homeowners for the first time.
System Dynamics
In thinking about interconnectedness, we also need to focus on system dynamics. By system dynamics, I mean how the different
parts of the system interact. Do they interact in a way that dampens a shock or in a way that intensifies it? To the extent that the
system has important reinforcing rather than dampening mechanisms, then it may need to be modified. That may require
significant re-engineering.
Let me give you some examples of reinforcing and dampening mechanisms:
Capital. When firms have incentives to continue to pay dividends to show they are strong that is a reinforcing or amplifying
mechanism. The paying of the dividends depletes capital, making the firms weaker. In contrast, when firms have incentives (or are
forced) to cut dividends quickly to conserve capital, that is a dampening mechanism.
Foreign exchange. When the debts of a country held by foreigners are denominated predominantly in the home currency, currency
depreciation reduces the net debt burden—the value of foreign assets climbs relative to the asset claims of foreigners. The U.S.
operates in a dampening regime in this respect. In contrast, when the debts of the home country are denominated in foreign
currency, currency depreciation increases the net debt burden. Some of the Baltic countries are wrestling with this dilemma
currently.
Some reinforcing mechanisms that we might want to engineer out of the financial system:
• Collateral tied to credit ratings. Credit downgrades lead to increased collateral calls which drains liquidity, leads to forced asset
sales, further weakening the firm subject to the collateral calls. I don’t have any great ideas on how to address this, but it is a
problem that needs to be fixed.
• Collateral and haircuts. When volatility rises and that leads to increased haircuts, the result can be a vicious cycle of forced asset
sales, higher volatility and still higher haircuts.
• Compensation tied to short-term revenue generation, rather than long-term profitability over the cycle. This causes risk-takers
to take on too much risk because they are compensated on the upside. This extends the boom.
Incentives
Incentives may be very important in determining whether we have a system that is dampening rather than amplifying. I think bad
outcomes are not just about bad luck, they are also about bad incentives. The problem with incentives may be due to faulty
compensation schemes, poor risk management or the fact that participants do not bear the full costs of their actions.
One problem that we had in the U.S. banking system over the past year was a reluctance of banks to raise sufficient capital to be
able to withstand bad states of nature. They didn’t want to do this because this might unnecessarily dilute their shareholders. As a
result, many banks did not hold sufficient capital and market participants knew this. This led to tighter financial and credit
conditions, which made the bad state of the world more likely. This is an example of both bad incentives and an amplifying
mechanism.
The Supervisory Capital Assessment Program (SCAP) exercise that we undertook in the United States leaned against this. By
forcing all the banks to have sufficient capital to withstand a stress environment, we increased the likelihood that all the big banks
would be able to survive a stress environment. This generated an improvement in confidence and a willingness of banks to engage
with each other. This also made it easier for banks to be able to tap the capital markets. The SCAP exercise made a bad state of the
world outcome less likely, helping to create a virtuous circle rather than a vicious one. The SCAP exercise was conducted on an ad
hoc basis. It probably would be much better to figure out how to do these types of exercises on a systematic basis. Such exercises
may need to be hardwired into the oversight of the financial system.
Capital requirements are one area where I think we could adjust the rules in a way to improve incentives. For example, imagine
that we mandated that banks had to hold more capital, but that the added capital could be in the form of a debt instrument that
only converted into equity if the share price fell dramatically. What would this do? It would change management’s incentives. Not
only would management focus on generating higher stock prices, but they would also worry about risks that could cause share
prices to fall sharply, resulting in dilution of their share holdings.
Debt convertible into equity on the downside would also be helpful in that it would be a dampening mechanism—equity capital
would be automatically replenished, but only when this was needed.
Transparency
There were many areas where a lack of transparency contributed to a loss of confidence, which intensified the crisis. One
particular area was the case of over-the-counter securities such as ABS, CMBS, RMBS and CDOs and their associated derivatives.
There was a lack of transparency in a number of different dimensions.
A. Valuation. CDOs and other securitized
obligations were complex and difficult to value.
This reduced liquidity, pushed down prices and
created increased uncertainty about the
solvency of institutions holding these assets.
B. Prices. The lack of pricing information led to a
loss of confidence about accounting marks.
Sometimes identical securities were valued
differently at different financial institutions.
C. Concentration of risk. Because there was no
detailed reporting of exposures, market
participants did not know much about the
concentration of risk. This led to a reluctance to
engage with counterparties, which, in turn,
pushed up spreads and reduced liquidity
further.
The SCAP exercise was an example where increased transparency helped to generate a better outcome. We disclosed our stress test
methodology and the results for each of the nineteen largest bank holding companies. This transparency increased confidence and
made it easier for the banks to raise more capital.
Monetary Policy and Asset Bubbles
In my opinion, this crisis should lead to a critical reevaluation of the view that central banks cannot identify or prevent asset
bubbles, they can only clean up after asset bubbles burst.
As I wrote in 2006, this orthodoxy can be summarized by three propositions:
1. Asset bubbles are hard to identify.
2. Monetary policy is not well-suited to respond to
bubbles.
3. Thus, the cost/benefit tradeoff of “leaning
against the wind” against asset bubbles is
unfavorable.
From these propositions, the two important policy implications directly follow:
1. The central bank should only take asset bubbles
into consideration in the conduct of monetary
policy to the extent that these asset bubbles
affect the growth/inflation outlook.
2. The monetary authorities should be there to
“clean-up” after bubbles burst, both to prevent
systemic problems and undesired downward
pressure on economic activity and/or inflation.
Relative to this, I would argue that:
1. Asset bubbles may not be that hard to identify
—especially large ones. For example, the
housing bubble in the United States had been
identified by many by 2005, and the
compressed nature of risk spreads and the
increased leverage in the financial system was
very well known going into 2007.
2. If one means by monetary policy the instrument
of short-term interest rates, then I agree that
monetary policy is not well-suited to deal with
asset bubbles. But this suggests that it might be
better for central bankers to examine the
efficacy of other instruments in their toolbox,
rather than simply ignoring the development of
asset bubbles.
3. If existing tools are judged inadequate, then
central banks should work on developing
additional policy instruments.
Let’s take the housing bubble as an example. Housing prices rose far faster than income. As a result, underwriting standards
deteriorated. If regulators had forced mortgage originators to tighten up their standards or had forced the originators and
securities issuers to keep “skin in the game”, I think the housing bubble might not have been so big.
I think that this crisis has demonstrated that the cost of waiting to clean up asset bubbles after they burst can be very high. That
suggests we should explore how to respond earlier.
Harkening back to my earlier themes, I think we can respond in a number of ways:
• First, we can do a better job understanding interconnectedness. This means changing how we oversee and supervise financial
intermediaries.
• Second, we can change the system so that it is more self-dampening.
• Third, we can improve incentives.
• Fourth, we can increase transparency.
• Fifth, we can develop additional policy instruments. For example, we might give a systemic risk regulator the authority to
establish overall leverage limits or collateral and collateral haircut requirements across the system. This would give the financial
authorities the ability to limit leverage and more directly influence risk premia and this might prove useful in limiting the size of
future asset bubbles.
Cite this document
APA
William C. Dudley (2009, June 25). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20090626_william_c_dudley
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_20090626_william_c_dudley,
author = {William C. Dudley},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {2009},
month = {Jun},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20090626_william_c_dudley},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}