speeches · March 27, 2008
Regional President Speech
Eric Rosengren · President
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Bank Supervision and Central Banking:
Understanding Credit During a Time of
Financial Turmoil
Eric S. Rosengren
President & Chief Executive Officer
Federal Reserve Bank of Boston
Bank of Korea and Bank for International Settlements Seminar
Household Debt: Implications for Monetary Policy
and Financial Stability
Seoul, Korea
March 28, 2008
I would like to thank the Bank of Korea and the Bank for International Settlements for
sponsoring this conference on Household Debt: Implications for Monetary Policy and Financial
Stability, and for inviting me to participate as the keynote speaker.1 The planned sessions on
mortgage finance, consumer credit, and securitization are all particularly topical and touch on areas
that, especially since July of 2007, have been of keen interest at the Federal Reserve and at central
banks throughout the world.
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Today I am going to focus my remarks on the key information necessary for central banks to
make informed decisions during periods of financial turmoil. In particular, I am going to highlight the
fact that non-public information about financial institutions has been extremely useful in
understanding the current problems in U.S. financial markets, and in understanding how those
problems might factor into monetary policy decisions and other policy matters.
At today’s conference we have representatives from a diverse set of countries, and in those
countries the responsibilities of the central bank in bank supervision vary considerably. The Federal
Reserve has bank-supervisory responsibilities over bank holding companies as well as banks that
choose both to have a state charter and to be members of the Federal Reserve. These supervisory
responsibilities, I would argue, have been instrumental in dealing with the current episode of financial
turbulence.
In many countries bank-supervisory roles continue to evolve, but whatever the institutional
arrangements that prevail in your countries, I would argue that hands-on experience as a supervisor
can be critically important to the central bank during times of stress and can significantly improve the
ability of the central bank to choose appropriate monetary policy and address problems related to
financial stability.
To make that argument, today I am going to discuss four areas where knowledge of
confidential, non-public information about financial institutions has been important to central bankers.
This is a topic that I investigated a number of years ago with co-authors Joe Peek and Geoff Tootell.
Our research found that confidential bank supervisory information could be used to improve central
bank forecasts of inflation, unemployment, and Gross Domestic Product.2
Given the events that have occurred since financial turmoil emerged in July, I am now even
more confident of the need for central banks to have the experience and perspective gained through
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bank supervision, although the institutional arrangements to facilitate those insights are likely to vary
by country. For me, the information gleaned from the Federal Reserve's role as a hands-on bank
supervisor has been particularly useful in thinking about appropriate monetary policy in the following
four ways.
First, understanding the size of and basis for likely losses has been useful in highlighting
potential financial stability issues, as well as in determining where credit availability may become a
problem. To be sure, the degree of exposure to loss that is embedded in complex financial
instruments has been very difficult to ascertain – for banks’ own managers, let alone bank supervisors
– as many of the recent losses have involved complex and opaque financial instruments tied to the
mortgage market. But that challenge notwithstanding, we know that the way that banks are likely to
behave is linked to the size of their current and expected future losses; and as supervisors, with access
to internal bank documents and interactions with bank management, we can estimate them.
Second, banks’ balance-sheet constraints can transmit financial shocks to the real economy.
Capital-constrained banks may be unable to provide loans or extend credit in markets where they are a
key source of liquidity. For central bankers to gauge potential balance sheet constraints now and in
the future requires a detailed understanding of a bank’s financial position, capital management
strategies, and likely management actions.
Third, as problems spill over from mortgage loans to other types of credit, banks’ actions can
have a significant impact on macroeconomic growth. For example, reducing lines of credit on home-
equity loans and on credit cards could have a significant impact on consumers and dampen economic
growth.
Fourth, many of the recent proactive steps taken by the Federal Reserve relative to Discount
Window lending are facilitated and informed by our role as a bank supervisor. These actions, taken
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as a lender of last resort, make the central bank a counterparty to banks – which requires an
understanding of a bank’s solvency and its liquidity risk.
Overview: Banks and Financial Turmoil
One can find numerous examples of the critical role of banks in periods of financial turmoil.
In the United States in the early 1990s, losses on commercial real estate and construction loans caused
capital-constrained banks to contract their balance sheets. The result was that even companies with
good business prospects found it difficult to secure adequate financing despite monetary policy’s
efforts to lower interest rates, causing the often-cited "headwinds in monetary policy."
And a sizable literature indicates that in Japan, problems in the banking sector played a
significant role in the so-called “lost decade.”3 Also, in the mid 1990s, many Asian countries found
that their banking sector exacerbated problems that originated in real estate and foreign exchange
markets. We see similar episodes in Europe as well.
Why do banks play such critical roles during periods of financial turmoil?
First, their balance sheet structure tends to amplify the effect of economic shocks. Banks are
highly leveraged and highly regulated. In order to maintain their capital ratios after experiencing a
large capital shock, banks must significantly shrink assets on their balance sheets – in other words, not
make or acquire loans – since their ability to raise capital at such times can be quite limited.
Second, while their role in financing business and residential investment has diminished in
recent decades, banks remain the primary source of liquidity during periods of financial turmoil.
Banks extend lines of credit, and these lines are most likely to be utilized when firms are experiencing
financial difficulties. However, banks provide liquidity not only to firms, but also to finance an array
of complex financial instruments. For example, in the U.S., banks have been providing liquidity to
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the commercial paper markets, to off-balance sheet financial vehicles (such as conduits, special
investment vehicles or “SIVs,” and the like), and for municipal financing programs (for example
through auction-rate securities).
Third, banks are often the main source of financing to smaller firms, and are key market-
makers in a variety of financial markets — one example is their role as dealers for municipal auction-
rate securities. Should they choose to shrink their balance sheets, the shift can disrupt bank-
dependent borrowing and markets where banks are key players.
In sum, understanding banks is critical to understanding how financial shocks can be
transmitted to the real economy. Unfortunately, understanding how banks are likely to respond to
problems requires far more than published financial statements. While U.S. banks report detailed
information on their balance sheets and their income statements, these reports do not provide
sufficient information to allow central banks to really discern how banks are responding to problems.
1. Estimating Losses
The current financial turbulence, like most such episodes, has unexpected sources. In 2006, I
met with the risk managers from a number of global banks. They highlighted at that time that they
saw little risk emerging from the mortgage market. While they acknowledged the rapid acceleration
in residential real estate prices, they emphasized that banks were extremely well capitalized and that
their own internal “stress tests” indicated that 10 and even 20 percent declines in real estate prices
would result in lower (but still positive) net income at their organizations – in other words would
result in a loss of earnings, not capital, for their firms. Obviously, events have been more severe than
that, and some of the largest financial institutions have found themselves needing to aggressively seek
a new capital infusion.
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It is worth highlighting that the banks’ observations about being well capitalized were
accurate. The attention that regulators have given to capital has caused banks in the United States to
be much better capitalized going into these difficulties than they were in the 1990s (see Figure 1).
The introduction of the Basel I and Basel II capital accord frameworks, and of modern risk
management techniques that focus on value-at-risk modeling, have caused banks to increase their
capital. Current problems would clearly be worse had this not occurred. Similarly, bank supervisors
viewed banks as being in good financial health, as indicated by the very low number of banks
considered “problem” institutions by the FDIC4 (see Figure 2) – although there has been some
additional deterioration recently.
Even with the highly publicized financial turmoil that began in July, most banks remained
profitable in 2007 (see Figure 3). While there have been very significant losses announced by a few
banks, to date the losses have been at large banks actively engaged in residential mortgage
securitization. Both the number and share of banks reporting losses in 2007 are well below what was
experienced during the early 1990s.
So how is it that the stress tests by large global banks did not indicate their susceptibility to
falling housing prices in the United States? Most of these stress tests assumed that lower housing
prices would cause elevated losses on construction loans and holdings of subprime5 loans, but most of
the large global banks did not have significant exposure in those areas.
What these stress tests crucially failed to capture was the effect of house-price declines on the
large holdings of highly rated securities that global banks held – the products of mortgage
securitization activities, with their payment streams ultimately tied to the performance of subprime
loans. In particular, they thought that housing prices nationwide were unlikely to fall, but that even if
they did, they would only affect the high-risk slices or “tranches” of these securitized pools of
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mortgages – and the high-risk tranches were not generally held by U.S. banks. In fact, triple-A rated
tranches continued to trade close to par when problems in subprime loans first became apparent in
2007 (see Figure 4 – Markit ABX.HE indices6).
However, since the financial turmoil starting in July, the triple-A rated securities with payment
streams derived from subprime loans have more recently been trading as low as 60 percent of par.
Such values likely reflect a significant risk premium for holding mortgage-backed assets. The size of
that risk premium is somewhat surprising, since the defaults on the underlying subprime assets would
need to be quite severe to result in such large losses for these highest-rated and most-secure tranches –
and investors would only take losses on these high-grade securities after all lower-graded securities
had been wiped out.
Valuation has been made difficult by several factors – including uncertainty over the number
of borrowers that may eventually default on their subprime mortgage loans as well as the liquidation
value of foreclosed properties in the depressed residential real-estate market, and the large discounts
that market participants have placed on complex financial assets tied to subprime loans. In addition,
the deep discounts on highly rated securities have made investors skeptical of ratings as an indicator
of default probabilities. With few trades happening – and many of those trades “distress sales” – the
actual worth of many of these instruments is quite difficult to determine with confidence.
However, knowing the nature of the exposure and knowing the possible pricing outcomes are
both critical to estimating losses that could stem from these assets. Bank supervisors have the ability
to get detailed information on the banks’ exposures to these assets, their current pricing, and their
possible future pricing. These insights are critical to understanding the size of likely losses to a
financial institution, and management’s likely responses to the losses (given an environment of falling
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housing prices, and the prevalence of underwriting problems with many subprime loans originated
after 2004).
2. The Importance of Balance Sheet Constraints
How banks manage their lending in the face of balance-sheet constraints can have significant
macroeconomic effects. If banks are unwilling to lend in the subprime and jumbo markets because
these loans are now difficult to securitize, the recovery of residential real estate may be impeded. If
banks cut back on loans to businesses, business fixed investment and investment in commercial
property may be impeded. If banks choose to reduce lines of credit to consumers, consumption may
be impeded. These examples simply underline the fact that during a period of financial turmoil it is
important for central bankers to understand the degree of balance sheet constraint, and how banks’
management may choose to respond.
As Figure 5 illustrates, during the recent financial turmoil in the United States bank assets
have actually grown, particularly at the largest institutions. Banks have reduced their holdings of
government securities, but have expanded their holdings of other securities and commercial and
industrial loans.
Much of this growth likely reflects “involuntary lending” – that is, banks expanding assets in
response to liquidity commitments they extended during the previous good times. Some of the factors
that have increased assets on balance sheets have included the inability to roll commercial paper,7
firms expanding their use of lines of credit, the inability to sell leveraged loans that were originated
with the expectation that they would be quickly distributed, liquidity triggers forcing the purchase of
municipal bonds, and the inability to sell assets that were in the process of being securitized. Such
factors can significantly swell bank assets, placing pressure on capital-constrained banks to pull back
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in other areas. And banks’ choices regarding which types of credit to shrink can have macroeconomic
consequences.
Such information can only be known with detailed knowledge of the bank’s assets, both on-
balance sheet and off-balance sheet, and information about which business lines each institution views
as critical in the event it is forced to shrink (in other words, to cut back on credit extension) in some
areas.
Indeed, calculating how constrained banks are likely to become is not straightforward. One
component is understanding the size of any possible losses that reduce banks’ capital. At the same
time, the likely growth in bank assets can also be very important – and it is virtually impossible to
estimate without on-going discussions with bank management, such as occur in management’s
discussions with bank supervisors.
3. Potential for Spillover to Retail Consumption
While the problems at many large banks originated with subprime mortgages and
securitization, policymakers and others are rightly paying attention to potential spillovers. As banks
have seen housing prices decline, they have been reducing lines of credit associated with credit cards
and home-equity loans. Declining home prices, which are a key driver of subprime defaults,8 also
erode the collateral value for home-equity lines. Thus, geographic areas that are experiencing falling
home prices are likely seeing less credit available on home-equity lines, even if credit scores have not
changed.
Similarly, banks are noticing – perhaps not surprisingly – that nonperforming credit card loans
have increased more in areas with elevated home foreclosures.9 As a result, some banks are
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reexamining their risk exposure for lines of credit in areas with falling home prices and elevated
mortgage problems.
Consumers who are informed that their credit lines have been reduced or possibly limited to
loans outstanding lose an important financing option, which may dampen their consumption spending.
To the extent that untapped lines of credit serve as a precautionary source of funds, consumers may
reduce their willingness to purchase items. And purchases will likely fall for consumers who find
themselves limited to current cash flow.
Let me emphasize that it is too early to determine the degree that consumers will be restrained
by credit availability in the current situation. But such trends will be easier to detect sooner and more
accurately if the central bank has supervisory engagement with financial institutions.
4. Bank Supervision and the Lender of Last Resort
I would argue that it is very difficult for a central bank to be an effective lender of last resort
without significant knowledge of the current and prospective value of assets and liabilities within
financial institutions. Like any counterparty, a central bank acting as a lender needs to be able to
evaluate the solvency and liquidity of a borrowing institution.
Of course, determining future solvency of an institution can be challenging, particularly when
assets are difficult to value. Knowing how likely it is that an institution’s sources of funds will
evaporate during times of financial stress requires a significant understanding of the institution’s
liabilities and its counterparty relationships. Such information has been particularly important of late,
as the Federal Reserve has initiated a variety of innovative techniques to provide liquidity to the
marketplace.
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Figure 6 provides a list of the various steps taken recently by the Federal Reserve related to
our Discount Window – steps we have taken to try to enhance market liquidity and prevent ripples of
difficulty that impact more institutions and ultimately the real economy and individuals. Because of
the complexity and institutional details involved in each of these steps taken, I will focus today only
on one, the Term Auction Facility.
The Term Auction Facility allows banks to obtain short-term financing using as collateral a
subset of assets that the marketplace is currently seeing as illiquid. It has also provided an
opportunity for banks to get financing for approximately one month during a period when obtaining
such financing has sometimes proved difficult. Every other week, the Federal Reserve holds an
auction where banks are able to use collateral at the Discount Window to get a loan. Currently the
size of each auction is $50 billion. The auctions have been well received, and have generally resulted
in financing terms (determined by the auction) that are somewhat above the Federal Funds rate.
To qualify, a bank first needs to be in sound financial condition, as the Federal Reserve must
have confidence that the bank will be solvent over the time the loan is extended. While this
determination is left to the individual Reserve Bank whose district the institution resides in, it
generally requires that the bank not have low supervisory ratings. Second, the institution needs to
have collateral at the Federal Reserve. Our Discount officers determine, as best they can, the market
value of the collateral and apply an appropriate “haircut.”
There is little question in my mind that both the determination of the potential solvency risk
and the evaluation of the institution’s collateral are greatly aided by having experienced bank
supervisors at the central bank.
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Conclusion
Two years ago, few analysts were anticipating significant retail credit and banking problems.
The most recent banking problems in the United States had been driven by problems in commercial
real-estate loans. The current turmoil stems from troubles with residential real estate loans that are
for the most part only indirectly owned, through securitizations.
The uncertainty surrounding ratings applied to relatively new and opaque financial products
and the difficulty in pricing complex financial assets have seriously disrupted the “originate to
distribute” model of recent real estate finance. In particular, it is clear that instruments that involve
financing long-term assets with short-term liabilities, without institutional liquidity backing them up,
are not especially suited to withstand times of financial distress such as the one we are facing.
Today I have argued that knowledge of financial institutions has been a critical component of
my own thinking as a central banker. In my view, central banks with potential counterparty risk as a
lender of last resort need to have sufficient information to assess the solvency of their counterparty
and the liquidity of its collateral – the same factors that any private counterparty would require.
Much of our understanding of the economy’s evolution since July has been greatly influenced
by turmoil affecting financial markets. The economy’s path will vary depending on the size and
nature of the problems at financial institutions, the distribution of those problems, and the reaction of
bank management to those problems. I believe strongly that at the Federal Reserve, our role as a bank
supervisor within a central bank has greatly facilitated our ability to operate effectively during this
challenging period.
1 The views I express today are my own, not necessarily those of my colleagues on the Board of Governors or the
Federal Open Market Committee (the FOMC).
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2 See "Is Bank Supervision Central to Central Banking?" by Joe Peek, Eric Rosengren, and Geoffrey M. B. Tootell
in The Quarterly Journal of Economics. vol. 114 (May 1999): pages 629-653. The paper finds that confidential bank
supervisory information could help more accurately forecast important macroeconomic variables and is useful to monetary
policymaking. The findings suggest that the complementarity between supervisory responsibilities and monetary policy
should he an important consideration when evaluating the structure of a central bank.
Also see "Does the Federal Reserve Possess An Exploitable Informational Advantage?" by Joe Peek, Eric
Rosengren, and Geoffrey M.B. Tootell in the Journal of Monetary Economics, vol. 50, no. 4 (May 2003), pages 817-839,
which found evidence that the Federal Reserve has an informational advantage that can be used to improve monetary
policy.
Also, in "Identifying the Macroeconomic Effect of Loan Supply Shocks," by Joe Peek, Eric Rosengren and
Geoffrey M.B. Tootell in the Journal of Money Credit and Banking. vol. 35, no. l 6 part 1 (December 2003), pages 931-
946, the authors found that confidential supervisory information was useful in predicting components of GDP that would
likely be dependent on bank financing.
3 See, for example, Joe Peek and Eric S. Rosengren, "Unnatural Selection: Perverse Incentives and the
Misallocation of Credit in Japan," in the American Economic Review, American Economic Association, vol. 95(4), pages
1144-1166, September 2005; and Caballero, Hoshi, and Kashyap, “Zombie Lending and Depressed Restructuring in
Japan,” NBER Working Paper No. 12129 (2006).
4 In defining “problem” institutions the FDIC notes the following. “Federal regulators assign a composite rating to
each financial institution, based upon an evaluation of financial and operational criteria. The rating is based on a scale of
1 to 5 in ascending order of supervisory concern. ‘Problem’ institutions are those institutions with financial, operational,
or managerial weaknesses that threaten their continued financial viability. Depending upon the degree of risk and
supervisory concern, they are rated either a ‘4’ or ‘5’. For all insured commercial banks and for insured savings banks for
which the FDIC is the primary federal regulator, FDIC composite ratings are used. For all institutions whose primary
federal regulator is the OTS, the OTS composite rating is used.” Source: Definitions section of FDIC Quarterly Banking
Profile (Fourth Quarter 2007).
5 In essence subprime loans refer to mortgage loans that have a higher risk of default than prime loans, often
because of the borrowers’ credit history. The loans carry higher interest rates reflecting the higher risk. Certain lenders,
typically mortgage banks, may specialize in subprime loans. Banks, especially smaller community banks, generally do
not make subprime loans, although a few large banking organizations are active through mortgage banking subsidiaries.
According to interagency guidance issued, in 2001, “The term ‘subprime’ refers to the credit characteristics of individual
borrowers. Subprime borrowers typically have weakened credit histories that include payment delinquencies and possibly
more severe problems such as charge-offs, judgments, and bankruptcies. They may also display reduced repayment
capacity as measured by credit scores, debt-to-income ratios, or other criteria that may encompass borrowers with
incomplete credit histories. Subprime loans are loans to borrowers displaying one or more of these characteristics at the
time of origination or purchase. Such loans have a higher risk of default than loans to prime borrowers. Generally,
subprime borrowers will display a range of credit risk characteristics that may include one or more of the following: Two
or more 30-day delinquencies in the last 12 months, or one or more 60-day delinquencies in the last 24 months; Judgment,
foreclosure, repossession, or charge-off in the prior 24 months; Bankruptcy in the last 5 years; Relatively high default
probability as evidenced by, for example, a credit bureau risk score (FICO) of 660 or below (depending on the
product/collateral), or other bureau or proprietary scores with an equivalent default probability likelihood; and/or Debt
service-to-income ratio of 50 percent or greater, or otherwise limited ability to cover family living expenses after
deducting total monthly debt-service requirements from monthly income. This list is illustrative rather than exhaustive and
is not meant to define specific parameters for all subprime borrowers. Additionally, this definition may not match all
market or institution specific subprime definitions, but should be viewed as a starting point from which the Agencies will
expand examination efforts.”
6 “The ABX index represents a basket of credit default swaps linked to subprime mortgages. The indices are constructed
by pooling mortgages with similar (internal) credit ratings.” Source: Greenlaw, Hatzius, Kashyap, and Shin (2008),
“Leveraged Losses: Lessons from the Mortgage Meltdown” presented at the 2008 U.S. Monetary Policy Forum on
February 29, 2008. Furthermore, “The Markit ABX.HE is a synthetic index of U.S. home equity asset-backed securities...
The index is a family of five sub-indices, each of which consists of a basket of 20 credit default swaps referencing U.S.
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subprime home equity securities issued over the previous six months... The ABX.HE-06-01 index was launched on
January 19, 2006.” Source: Markit news releases.
7 For example, as problems with mortgage-related loans emerged, some investors became reluctant to continue
lending in the asset-backed commercial paper (ABCP) market. This reduction in the availability of short-term funds
caused the rates on ABCP to rise; and also forced some financial institutions to buy back ABCP that they could no longer
refinance, bringing it onto their balance sheets. The combination of uncertainty over the appropriate rating of mortgage-
related securities and the expansion of bank balance sheets caused significant pressure on the availability of short-term
credit. In addition banks, as liquidity providers, were expanding their balance sheets in other areas, much of which was
not anticipated prior to the financial turmoil. Some banks have had to take write-downs on some assets, and the losses in
combination with involuntary growth in assets have made some banks more reticent to expand their balance sheets further.
8 See “Subprime Outcomes: Risky Mortgages, Homeownership Experiences, and Foreclosures,” Working Paper
No. W07-15 by Kristopher Gerardi, Adam Hale Shapiro, and Paul Willen, available on the Federal Reserve Bank of
Boston’s website, www.bos.frb.org.
9 In March 4 testimony, Federal Reserve Board Vice Chairman Donald Kohn noted that delinquency rates on credit
cards and consumer installment loans had increased over the second half of 2007. He added the Fed is monitoring these
consumer loan segments for signs of spillover from residential mortgage problems and that we are paying particular
attention to the securitization market for credit card loans.
14
Figure 1
Equity Capital to Assets Ratio at U.S. Commercial and
Savings Banks by Asset Size
12
10
8
6
4
2
0
2
1Q:58 1Q:68 1Q:78 1Q:88 1Q:98 1Q:09 1Q:19 1Q:29 1Q:39 1Q:49 1Q:59 1Q:69 1Q:79 1Q:89 1Q:99 1Q:00 1Q:10 1Q:20 1Q:30 1Q:40 1Q:50 1Q:60 1Q:70
1985:Q1 – 2007:Q4
Percent
Small Banks
Large Banks
Note: Large banks are banks with assets of $50 billion or more.
Source: Commercial and Savings Bank Call Reports
Figure 2
Number of “Problem” U.S. Commercial and Savings Banks
1985:Q1 – 2007:Q4
1,800
1,600
1,400
1,200
1,000
800
600
400
200
0
Source: FDIC Quarterly Banking Profile
3
1Q:58 1Q:68 1Q:78 1Q:88 1Q:98 1Q:09 1Q:19 1Q:29 1Q:39 1Q:49 1Q:59 1Q:69 1Q:79 1Q:89 1Q:99 1Q:00 1Q:10 1Q:20 1Q:30 1Q:40 1Q:50 1Q:60 1Q:70
Number of Commercial and Savings Banks
Figure 3
Number and Share of U.S. Commercial and Savings Banks
Reporting Annual Losses
1985 - 2007
Number of Banks (Bars) Percent of Banks (Line)
3,500 21
3,000 18
2,500 15
2,000 12
1,500 9
1,000 6
500 3
0 0
1985 1989 1993 1997 2001 2005
Source: Commercial and Savings Bank Call Reports
4
Figure 4
Markit ABX.HE Indices
January 2, 2007 – March 17, 2007
120
100
80
60
40
20 ABX.HE 07-01 Tranches
0
5
naJ-2 naJ-03 beF-72 raM-72 rpA-42 yaM-22 nuJ-91 luJ-71 guA-41 peS-11 tcO-9 voN-6 ceD-4 naJ-1 naJ-92 beF-62
Price Price
120
100
AAA
BBB
80
AA 60
40
A
20
BBB-
0
120
100
80
60
40
20 ABX.HE AAA Tranches
0
naJ-2 naJ-03 beF-72 raM-72 rpA-42 yaM-22 nuJ-91 luJ-71 guA-41 peS-11 tcO-9 voN-6 ceD-4 naJ-1 naJ-92 beF-62
Price Price
120
100
80
06-01 60
06-02 40
07-01 20
0
Source: Markit
Figure 5
Balance-Sheet Growth at U.S. Commercial
and Savings Banks by Asset Size
2006:Q1 - 2007:Q4
Index, 2006:Q1 = 100
140
C&I Loans at Large Banks
130
C&I Loans at Small Banks
120
Other Securities at Large Banks
110
100
Other Securities at Small Banks
90
2006:Q1 2006:Q2 2006:Q3 2006:Q4 2007:Q1 2007:Q2 2007:Q3 2007:Q4
Note: Large banks are banks with assets of $50 billion or more.
Other securities include all securities except government securities.
Source: Commercial and Savings Bank Call Reports
6
Figure 6
Recent Federal Reserve Actions
• Term Auction Facility (TAF) – Each auction (2 per
month) provides $50 billion in discount window loans.
• Expanded collateral for Fed 28 day repurchase
agreements – helps dealers finance mortgage-backed
securities (MBS) – up to $100 billion.
• Term Securities Lending Facility (TSLF) – Lend up to
$200 billion in Treasury securities in return for agency
and MBS.
• Primary Dealer Lending Facility (PDLF) – Discount
window loans available for primary dealers at the primary
credit rate.
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Cite this document
APA
Eric Rosengren (2008, March 27). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20080328_eric_rosengren
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_20080328_eric_rosengren,
author = {Eric Rosengren},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {2008},
month = {Mar},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20080328_eric_rosengren},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}