speeches · February 20, 2005
Regional President Speech
Sandra Pianalto · President
Central Banks: Different Paths, Same Goal :: February 21, 2005 :: Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland
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Central Banks: Different Paths,
Same Goal
Additional Information
Sandra Pianalto
Introduction
President and CEO,
As you know, I serve as president and CEO of the Federal Reserve Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland
Bank of Cleveland. This is one of 12 Reserve Banks that, along with
Global Interdependence Center,
the Board of Governors, make up the Federal Reserve System. One of
International Economic Conference
the Federal Reserve's great strengths is its decentralized structure,
Milan, Italy
which enables the different regions of the United States to be
represented in the policymaking process. I also serve on the Federal
Open Market Committee, or FOMC, the group that sets U.S. monetary February 21, 2005
policy.
Central bankers have achieved a remarkable consensus over the past
two decades in the belief that our long-term policy goal should be
achieving low and stable rates of inflation - or what we refer to as
price stability. I would like to talk about why I believe that price
stability is the most important contribution that central banks can
make to economic prosperity in their nations.
I will discuss three aspects of this message. First, central bankers
agree that price stability encourages greater economic growth and
financial stability over time. Second, it is natural, and not at all
contradictory, to see central banks using different policy tactics in
the short run as they confront different economic conditions in their
countries. Finally, a firm commitment to price stability means that
central banks will not be diverted by economic problems that they
cannot solve.
Please note that the views I express today are mine alone. I do not
presume to speak for any of my colleagues in the Federal Reserve
System.
I. The Price Stability Consensus
Let me begin by saying that central banks did not always believe so
strongly in the pursuit of price stability. Indeed, throughout human
history, when governments became involved with money, inflation
typically followed. That is because when economic times got tough,
or budgets were pinched, governments often yielded to the
temptation to cheapen the value of money by printing too much of
it, or sometimes by minting lighter coins. Perhaps they were trying
to stimulate faster economic growth, or perhaps they were simply
trying to finance their own spending without raising taxes. But
whatever the reason, the result was the same - economies eventually
suffered under an inflationary policy.
Even as early as the 14th century, the dangers of inflation were
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Central Banks: Different Paths, Same Goal :: February 21, 2005 :: Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland
recognized. In The Inferno, Dante writes about the fate of
counterfeiters and other "falsifiers of money" - people who were
responsible for devaluing the currency. He places them in one of the
deepest parts of hell. Again in the third book of his Divine Comedy,
Dante predicts a terrible fate for two other officials, one French and
one Serbian, who debased their countries' currencies. According to a
translator of his writings, Dante envisioned this severe punishment
not because he loved money, but because he believed that a sound
coinage - or sound money - was an essential principle of social
order.
We are not so quick to condemn those who practice inflation today.
But we do understand that sooner or later, inflation introduces all
sorts of costly economic distortions and uncertainty. Consumers and
businesses come to realize that the purchasing power of their money
is declining, and they look for ways to avoid holding that money. If
inflation is unexpected or sustained, people even lose confidence in
their central bank.
Those of us who remember the 1970s can attest to the deep troubles
brought on by inflation. For a variety of reasons, the central banks of
many industrialized nations slipped into inflationary territory during
that decade, only to find that these policies made their problems
even worse. In the United States, for example, the purchasing power
of the dollar shrank so much that a person needed more than two
dollars in 1980 to buy what would have cost only one dollar in 1970.
A person's purchasing power was cut in half in just 10 years.
By 1981, the yield on 30-year U.S. Treasury bonds was driven up to
14 percent, as the Federal Reserve worked to reduce inflation. An
inflation premium was built into interest rates, and people shifted
their portfolios into physical assets such as houses, land, and
commercial property to avoid uncertainty about the purchasing
power of their assets.
Inflation became so intolerable in so many countries that the stage
was set for a big turnaround. Over the past couple of decades, public
support has developed for a return to low inflation, not just in the
United States, but around the world. Inflation in the industrialized
countries fell from 9 percent in the first half of the 1980s to 2
percent early in this decade. But even more impressive was the huge
decline in inflation among the developing nations - from roughly 30
percent to 5 percent - during those same two decades.
Dramatic reductions in inflation have been accompanied by improved
economic performance in many countries. In the United States, for
example, real output growth has been higher, the frequency of
business cycles has declined, and the swings in the business cycle
seem to have become milder. Federal Reserve Board Governor Ben
Bernanke is one observer who calls this post-inflation era "the Great
Moderation."
People may disagree about how much of this Great Moderation is the
result of non-inflationary monetary policies, how much is due to
structural changes in national economies, and how much we can just
chalk up to good luck. But I am convinced that this improved
economic performance would not have been possible and could not
have been sustained if central banks had not suppressed the urge to
create too much money.
The consensus support for price stability among central banks has
clearly made an important difference to the public and to their
governments, and it remains strong around the world. In fact, some
nations, along with the European Central Bank, have chosen to set
explicit numerical inflation-rate objectives for their central banks.
Others, like the United States, have been fairly successful without
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Central Banks: Different Paths, Same Goal :: February 21, 2005 :: Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland
them. But overall, central banks are aiming in a similar direction: to
promote sustained economic growth by maintaining low and stable
inflation rates.
II. Different Policy Tactics
So, if we see that most central banks have the same ultimate goal,
then why does it sometimes appear that they are pursuing different
monetary policies? For example, why has the Federal Reserve been
raising its federal funds rate target over the past several months,
while the European Central Bank has been holding its target rate
steady for more than a year and a half? And why has the Bank of
Japan's policy resulted in overnight money market interest rates close
to zero for more than three years?
The answers to these questions have everything to do with the
cyclical and structural differences among the nations operating on
these different monetary standards: the dollar, the euro, and the
yen. National economies differ in fundamental ways - in their legal
systems, labor and capital mobility, and trade policies, for example.
Other differences are found in their natural resources, fiscal systems,
property rights and demographics. Each of these factors affects how
an economy will grow in the long term. They also determine a
nation's vulnerability to economic shocks, such as a spike in energy
prices.
Those differences can be challenging to overcome. Just think how
much work was done over the past quarter-century before the euro
could be adopted as the common currency for 12 national economies.
The European Union adopted the single-market initiative, and all of
the nations involved worked hard to harmonize their economic
fundamentals. Fiscal positions and trade balances were brought
much more into line, and national inflation rates had converged
substantially even before the euro circulated.
While maintaining a long-term focus on price stability, central banks
can adopt different short-term monetary policy tactics. Recent
experience offers us some good examples. Many industrialized
economies experienced either an economic slowdown or an outright
recession a few years ago. But because inflation was already low, the
danger arose that inflation could become too low. Several central
banks, including the European Central Bank and the Federal Reserve,
found themselves confronting the possibility of deflation - a decline
in the price level - a situation that had already developed in Japan.
These developments made both central banks think more carefully
about the lower bounds of their price stability goals. In the United
States, this lower boundary had been irrelevant during the long
disinflationary period of the previous 20 years. But once the
complications of an outright deflation became a realistic possibility,
the Federal Reserve took action. The Federal Open Market
Committee implemented a more accommodative policy than it might
have done in the past to insure against deflation. At the same time,
the Committee communicated its intentions to the public openly and
repeatedly.
But these days, deflation insurance is less important. For the most
part, industrialized countries are now in various stages of expansion,
and most central banks once again are likely to be preoccupied with
more typical inflation-fighting issues. The FOMC, for example, has
moved since last June to reduce the accommodative stance of U.S.
monetary policy as economic conditions have improved. The
Committee views this policy as consistent with its goal of maintaining
long-term price stability.
At the same time, however, the European Central Bank and the Bank
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Central Banks: Different Paths, Same Goal :: February 21, 2005 :: Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland
of Japan are responding to a more sluggish pace of economic
recovery, so their policy tactics are different. These central banks
are providing enough liquidity to accommodate economic growth,
even though their short-term inflation situations differ. In Japan, the
price level has been falling despite monetary accommodation; in
Europe, inflation remains slightly above the European Central Bank's
formal 2 percent inflation target. Yet, in each case, the public
seems to recognize that the intent of their central bank is to pursue
long-term price stability.
This is where the credibility of monetary policy really makes a
difference. When central banks have consistently pursued price
stability as their long-term goal, and demonstrated success, then
temporary deviations - even minor adjustments to inflation targets -
do not appear to change the public's expectations. In the late 1970s
to early 1980s, as U.S. households witnessed rising inflation, they
became skeptical about long-term price stability. Even as the
inflation rate gradually declined during the 1980s, the public kept
expecting the inflation rate to move back up. Only after a long
period of actually experiencing lower inflation did people become
convinced that the trend rate had in fact declined.
One way of illustrating this change in U.S. inflation psychology is to
consider recent trends in inflation and inflation expectations. During
the past five years, the U.S. Consumer Price Index has fluctuated
around an annual increase of 2.5 percent. But even though the rate
was 3.3 percent in 2004, nearly a full point higher than the five-year
average, long-term inflation expectations have stayed in a fairly tight
range around 2.5 percent. So we see that if central banks actually
deliver price stability, then they can get enough public support to
address short-term liquidity needs with greater confidence that
inflation expectations will remain well anchored.
III. Monetary Policy Is Not a Cure-All
Over the past 20 years, price stability has contributed to better real
economic performance through less-volatile interest rates, more
efficiently allocated resources, and healthier financial systems. But
nations must inevitably contend with economic issues that monetary
policy cannot solve.
For example, a central bank needs to pay close attention to the
effects of energy price shocks on the economy. Central banks must
consider the possibility that energy price increases could slow the
pace of economic activity and put upward pressure on inflation.
During the past few years, the U.S. economy has been expanding
even as energy prices have increased sharply. Once the expansion
appeared to be on solid ground in 2004, the FOMC began a gradual
retreat from its accommodative policy stance to contend with any
potential inflationary pressures that might arise. In the long run, a
central bank supplying more money cannot create more energy
resources, but a credible monetary policy will help smooth economic
adjustments that higher energy prices might require.
Also, a central bank supplying more money cannot boost national
saving. A growing concern in many industrialized countries, including
the United States, is the prospect of large and persistent federal
budget deficits. I am not talking just about near-term borrowing
needs, but also about potential shortfalls associated with future
entitlement programs, including those for income and medical
security.
Deficits can indeed be a problem. A government finances budget
deficits by selling debt to its own citizens and to foreigners. Real
interest rates could rise as government deficits crowd out business
and consumer investment. But, despite what popular commentaries
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Central Banks: Different Paths, Same Goal :: February 21, 2005 :: Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland
might suggest, there is no need for deficits to be inflationary. The
prospect of inflation arises only if the central bank tries to resist the
rise in real interest rates, thereby keeping its policy rates too low
and inadvertently easing monetary policy.
A central-bank commitment to price stability cannot always offset
the effects of government deficits on economic growth and stability.
But the more credible the central bank's commitment to price
stability, the less likely that an inflation premium will be built into
market interest rates. The best way for an economy to adjust to
outside shocks and government deficits is in an environment of low
inflation and stable inflation expectations.
Conclusion
I hope that my comments have helped to clarify why I believe that
price stability is the most important contribution that central banks
can make to economic prosperity. If central banks do not deliver
monetary conditions consistent with price stability, then no one else
can.
Price stability clearly contributes to longer-term economic growth
and financial stability. As policymakers confront different inflation
and economic growth environments, however, it is natural for us to
adopt different tactics at particular points in time for responding to
these circumstances.
Nations do have economic problems for which there is no monetary
policy cure. But price stability provides a solid foundation for
responding to the inevitable short-term shocks and economic
fluctuations.
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Cite this document
APA
Sandra Pianalto (2005, February 20). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20050221_sandra_pianalto
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_20050221_sandra_pianalto,
author = {Sandra Pianalto},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {2005},
month = {Feb},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20050221_sandra_pianalto},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}