speeches · October 29, 2003
Regional President Speech
E. Gerald Corrigan · President
Federal Reserve Banks' Initiatives in the Payments System | Federal Res... https://minneapolisfed.org/news-and-events/presidents-speeches/federal-...
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Introduction
I appreciate the opportunity to participate in this conference on the Connect
payments system in transition, sponsored by the Payment MinneapolisFed on Twitter
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Systems Development Committee (PSDC). I wish to thank my
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co-chair on that Committee, Roger Ferguson; my predecessor,
Cathy Minehan; the other members of the Committee; and the
many staff members at the Board of Governors and the rest of the
System for organizing a timely conference and assembling an
impressive agenda.
As you may know, in addition to my duties on the Payments
System Development Committee, I recently assumed the chair of
the Financial Services Policy Committee, the body responsible for
formulating policy and for providing executive oversight to the
Federal Reserve’s payments services. This is an assignment with
intriguing challenges and opportunities, to perhaps understate
things a bit.
While all of our financial services confront significant issues,
responding to the changing retail payments environment is a top
priority for me at this time. In these comments, I will review how I
intend to approach this challenge, in the broadest sense. To be
sure, Check 21, which may in itself portend significant change in
retail payments, is of particular interest to this conference and, of
course, to the Federal Reserve as well. However, because others
with much greater hands-on knowledge than I addressed Check
21 in detail yesterday, I will focus this morning on the more
general policy issues ineluctably associated with the challenges
and opportunities inherent in the changing retail payments
landscape.
In this regard, my major point is straightforward: A policymaker’s
overriding concern is improving the welfare of society as a whole.
And I am specifically thinking of social welfare in the sense that
economists use the term; that is, allocating resources to maximize
the benefits that society receives from them. This perspective is
not one that leaders of a private sector banking organization or
other participants in payments usually take, nor should it be. But
for the Federal Reserve, an institution created to further the public
interest, net societal benefits are critical.
A focus on social welfare and resource allocation may sound of
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only theoretical value, but it has some pertinent implications for
how I view both developments in the payments system and the
manner in which the Federal Reserve ought to respond to those
developments. For example, because of the focus on resource
allocation, I, unlike the head of a private firm, view social welfare
from the vantage point of households. This means that I support
developments that in the aggregate improve the welfare of
households, even if in some sense they make some Federal
Reserve financial services, and related private firm services,
worse off.
But let me be a bit more specific. Today I will discuss three
implications of a focus on social welfare. They are:
First, there should be little doubt that the shift under way to
electronic payments and to the electronification of check is
welfare enhancing, since it appears to reflect advances in
technology and changes in consumer preferences rather than
a response to government or other mandates. This
observation has implications for future roles of the Federal
Reserve in payments.
Second, the ability of markets to generally produce
spontaneous and “indigenous” changes in payments, along
the lines I just noted, suggests that the Federal Reserve and
other government entities must clearly demonstrate that a
new product or service will improve social welfare before
offering it. Furthermore, Congress has required the Federal
Reserve to recover costs fully if a product or service is to be
considered welfare enhancing. If our product and service
offerings do not pass such tests, we could very well squander
society’s resources and/or displace potentially superior
private sector alternatives. If we do pass these tests, we
ought to bring the product or service forward.
Finally, these same social welfare concerns must be brought
to bear on our existing businesses, where they were
assumedly met when the products and services were first
offered. Indeed, I think we can make general concerns about
social welfare more concrete with regard to existing retail
business. In the near term the Federal Reserve must assure
that the size, reliability and capabilities of our retail
infrastructure supporting established services—that is, check
and ACH [automated clearinghouse]—correspond to market
demand and lead to a market with demonstrably more
competitive pricing and service than would otherwise occur. If
we meet such a standard, I am confident that social welfare is
being enhanced.
I will elaborate on these thoughts as I proceed. But let me
emphasize, as I have in other forums, that these observations
remain general and are the product of iteration. It is through
continuing dialogue with you and other payments system
participants, including end users, that we can come to more
definitive conclusions about retail payments and the future role of
the Federal Reserve. Such a dialogue is particularly important in
current circumstances, characterized as they are by rapid change
and heightened uncertainty.
Background and Context
I am sure that this audience is familiar with recent trends in retail
payments volumes, so I will not review the data in detail.
Nevertheless, a few observations are in order because they set
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the stage for the thrust of these remarks. We all know that for
years, if not decades, analysts routinely predicted absolute
declines in check volumes and that for years the market refused
to cooperate. However, more current and reliable evidence from
Federal Reserve sponsored research documented an outright
reduction in check volume occurring at some point between 1995
and 2000. And these volume declines appear to have continued.
While check volumes have finally started to diminish, there has
also been a surge in electronic retail payments. In fact, a
reasonable extrapolation of recent trends, indeed perhaps a
conservative extrapolation, would have checks constituting less
than half of noncash retail payments volumes in just a couple of
years. The bulk of the growth in electronic retail payments has
been in debit and credit cards. ACH has expanded rapidly as well,
but it is really a different “animal” from the consumer’s
perspective, as it is typically not the vehicle by which the customer
directly originates a payment.
Data from the survey of consumer finances, sponsored by the
Board of Governors, confirms these types of trends.1While there
was some increase in the use of very well established forms of
electronic banking, such as ATMs, the real explosion in
“electronics” and banking came in the use of instruments such as
debit cards. In 1995, about 18 percent of households used debit
cards whereas nearly 50 percent did in 2001. The rate of growth
of automatic bill payment during this period was also large but not
quite as dramatic. Quite interestingly, these types of trends were
present across age and income groups.
The Societal Perspective
The data just cited have a bearing on my earlier observation
about focusing on social welfare. Before the decline in check
volumes became apparent, there was some sentiment that
collective action, perhaps initiated by government, needed to be
taken to promote the transition from paper to electronic retail
payments. Underpinning this view was the observation that
checks are costly to process and to transport, so resources could
be saved by moving to electronics. The flaw in this reasoning was
that it did not account for the preferences of households and
firms; that is, benefits seemingly did not enter the calculation and
thus overt strategies to curtail check usage usually seemed
heavy-handed and were rarely implemented (at least in the United
States).
The judgment not to “jump start” a shift in payments seems wise
in retrospect, given that the shift I noted a few moments ago in the
composition of retail payments resulted from the consequence of
market forces. On the consumer demand side, it seems that
tastes are changing, perhaps as a result of familiarity and comfort
with electronic processes, and no doubt for other reasons as well.
Retailers are clearly moving to check conversion at the point of
sale and/or at the lock box. On the supply side, providers no
doubt are responding to demand and also to the fact that
technology makes it possible to offer electronic products
profitably. Irrespective of the causes, the key point is that a
change in the market is occurring spontaneously and mostly in
areas where the Federal Reserve is not involved. Hence, the
transition is the consequence of decisions and actions by market
participants and thus, virtually by definition, it is good for society
as a whole.
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A change that is good for society as a whole will almost certainly
not be good for every person or industry. Change almost
necessarily creates losers as well as winners. However, it is best
to let the market mechanism sort all of this out. We know that the
transition from paper to electronics is difficult for some firms, as it
is for the Federal Reserve and a sizable number of our staff. At
the same time, it is important to emphasize that the flexibility of
our labor and product markets has been a key to the long-run
success of the U.S. economy and to our high standard of living.
The shift in payments instruments and associated resource
reallocations represent such flexibility in action.
My bottom lines so far are that, first, Federal Reserve
policymakers ought to focus on social welfare rather than
alternative objectives when considering financial services.
Second, trends in payments that reflect market forces rather than
government intervention, with an important exception which I will
discuss shortly, represent welfare enhancing outcomes. I now turn
to applying these types of principles to the development and
modification of Federal Reserve services.
The Federal Reserve’s Role Going Forward
Let me discuss how this concern with social welfare affects my
approach to the provision of new services first. I will then discuss
its effects on modifications to our existing services, and then
move on to conclusions.
New Services. I start with the view that the Federal Reserve must
pass a series of meaningful hurdles if it is to intervene and to
supplant the market in producing and delivering the “next
generation” of payments vehicles, a position that is underpinned
by three complementary observations. The first is the general
reliance in our economy over a long period on market solutions to
changes in tastes, advances in technology and fluctuations in
relative prices. The second is the obvious success of the market
in moving retail payments toward electronics; I previously
commented that external mandates really played no role in this.
The third reason for relying initially on market forces is that it is
consistent with principles that we in the Federal Reserve have
long espoused and have been guided by. These principles state
that the Fed should, as a general matter, provide retail payments
services directly only in cases where markets fail to operate
effectively, where less intrusive interventions are not effective and
where we can recover our costs. It is not enough, therefore, to
simply point to cases where prices seem “too high” or the market
seems to move “too slowly.” Instead, we must demonstrate the
case for enhanced social welfare. Surmounting these hurdles in a
truly convincing fashion is not a trivial task, given the uncertainty
associated with measures of market failure and projections of cost
recovery.
For some observers, the rationale for the Federal Reserve to
follow these principles may be second nature, but it is worth
briefly noting why they are compelling. In the first place, the
Federal Reserve has no alternative but to follow the cost recovery
mandate legislated by Congress. Moreover, the cost recovery test
reflects, at least in part, a desire to ensure that an entity funded
with tax revenues does not take advantage of an unequal playing
field to displace the private sector firms that we typically rely upon
in the United States. In a similar vein, without market failure, there
is no reason to believe that government intervention in payments
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markets, or any market for that matter, will lead to a superior
allocation of resources. Finally, even if there is market failure, it
may be that a solution other than direct provision of services is
preferable because such an alternative could be relatively cost
effective and would likely make the greatest use of private
providers.
A specific example of these principles in action may help. Perhaps
the most important recent retail payments initiative associated
with the Federal Reserve is not a new product or service but is
instead an effort to eliminate legal barriers to changing payments.
The Check 21 legislation is an effort to align the law governing
one type of payment—checks—with advances in technology. That
is, Check 21 gives a substitute check, which can be produced
from an electronic file, the same legal standing as the original
document. As such, the legislation may help remove barriers that
could otherwise prevent the marketplace from transitioning from
an existing payments regime to one that consumers and providers
might prefer. I should note parenthetically that the PSDC has
been at the forefront of the Federal Reserve’s effort to address
these barriers to changes in payments, and we hope to continue
that role following this conference. In any event, the Check 21
legislation does not rely on direct service provision by the Federal
Reserve and, while it addresses certain obstacles to change, it
does not mandate a specific outcome.
While I view the hurdles we set for ourselves as effectively making
the Federal Reserve conservative in its willingness to offer new
products and services, I do not view them as one-sided decision
tools, set up to prevent us from offering services. Where the
hurdles are met, we have a responsibility to be active in
payments. In the right circumstances, it may be appropriate for
the Federal Reserve to act as a competitive provider of payments
services for reasons of efficiency and also because the financial
requirements of the Monetary Control Act imply a scope of
operations sufficient to cover costs.
Modifications to Existing Payments. Naturally, the concerns about
social welfare that I just emphasized apply equally to our existing
payments offerings. It may go without saying, but the major
difference is that at some point the services we offer have already
met these hurdles, or a set of tests that approximated these types
of concerns. Simply put, we are not starting with a blank slate
when applying concerns of social welfare to our existing
operations.
While evaluating existing services that current policymakers have
essentially inherited has its challenges, it also allows for more
specific application of social welfare criteria. For example,
determining actions the Federal Reserve should appropriately
take in the face of the changing retail payments landscape
requires at a minimum analyses of market competition and
structure (that is, industrial organization) and of end user demand.
If there is little end user demand, cost recovery could be difficult
and claims about market failure as the cause for the absence of a
product or service are suspect. If market structure and other
factors suggest that adequate competition would not exist absent
our involvement, we have a better chance of passing social
welfare and cost tests. These considerations lead in turn to a
more specific formulation of a social welfare test for our existing
payments services, to which I previously alluded: The Federal
Reserve must assure that the size, reliability and capabilities of
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our retail infrastructure supporting established services—that is,
check and ACH—correspond to market demand and lead to a
market with demonstrably more competitive pricing and service
than would otherwise occur.
This principle provides a workable framework for making social
welfare concerns useful in a changing retail payments
environment. It recognizes that, depending on market conditions,
contraction of Federal Reserve financial services may improve
society’s well-being. At other times maintaining or even expanding
services is appropriate in order to increase benefits. We can,
therefore, be analytical in response to transitions in payments.
I will now turn to consideration of the implications of this principle
for the Federal Reserve’s check and ACH services, starting with
the check situation.
Check. In check, the reduced demand for paper checks, reflecting
market forces already discussed, has led to overcapacity for us
and for the paper check processing industry overall, an industry
which is generally characterized by many participants and
competitive pricing. In response to this development and concern
for societal benefits, we are reducing our check processing
infrastructure. Clearly, this downsizing also conforms to the MCA
[Monetary Control Act], which requires that we fully recover costs.
Restructuring and other cost cutting actions have been
undertaken to return us to full cost recovery in check by 2005. If
they do not, and the planning for such a contingency is already
under way, we will take additional aggressive steps, be that
further reductions in infrastructure, in product lines or what have
you, to accomplish the goal. Any investment in our paper check
infrastructure, naturally, will also reflect the future prospects for
what can only be called a declining industry.
While the future of check looks challenging, the fact that the
demand for check processing is declining does not mean that all
services related to the paper check will necessarily diminish. As
the desire to eliminate the paper check after it has been written
grows, there may in fact be increased demand for certain
services, such as maintaining an image archive of checks or
converting checks into ACH payments. Here, too, the critical
factors determining the Federal Reserve’s role relate to social
welfare and to the general principle I articulated about competition
and demand. Let me briefly elaborate.
Historically, concern has been expressed from time to time that a
diminished Fed check infrastructure might reduce direct access to
processing services at competitive prices, particularly for small
financial institutions in relatively remote locations. But the forces
propelling the increased use of electronic payments, as well as
efforts associated with implementation of Check 21, might
mitigate concerns about access and, in fact, such mitigation may
occur rather rapidly. Why? Previously, it might have been quite
costly for a check processor to enter a remote location if that
processor did not have a network already in place to transport the
physical items. With such a barrier to entry, competition would
suffer and markets with monopolistic supply and pricing could
emerge. Federal Reserve check processing services were viewed
as one means of addressing such concerns.
With the need to pick up the physical check perhaps eventually
eliminated in the new retail payments landscape, one might
imagine that even banks located in physically remote areas could
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have many firms with the ability to enter their markets at low cost.
But reduced barriers to entry may not help if there are few firms
prepared to enter in the first place. And we might not expect many
firms to offer the services needed to process what amounts to an
electronic message with check information. As I will discuss
momentarily, markets for the processing of electronic payments
also tend to monopoly. In this case, active Federal Reserve
participation in the electronic check market might very well be
welfare enhancing; at this point, it is simply too early to tell.
The reference to electronic retail payments is a natural transition
to discuss our ACH business, so let me turn to that topic.
ACH. The ACH business is a growing one in which the Federal
Reserve already has considerable market share. But market
share is not the Federal Reserve’s objective, and so one question
is: From a social benefit viewpoint, how should the Federal
Reserve respond to increasing demand for ACH services?
Just as was the case for check, we make concerns for social
welfare real in this case by looking at issues of market structure
and demand. Thus, my question must be addressed in view of the
fact that the ACH is characterized by economies of scale and
“network effects.” As just intimated, these characteristics typically
lead to highly concentrated markets and to the potential for too
little output and unduly high prices. I view the current role of the
Federal Reserve in ACH—that of major provider—as an effort to
deal with these concerns and thereby enhance social welfare.
Moreover, as the primary provider of services in a market with just
two suppliers, the Federal Reserve makes society better off by
maintaining the structural integrity of the system, including making
reasonable investments in its reliability and assuring that the
system adequately serves its customers.
Moreover, the Federal Reserve faces not only increased demand
for existing ACH services but also demand for enhanced features
and functionality. ACH is increasingly transitioning to a more
flexible system geared to a broad range of retail transactions,
such as point-of-sale and lock box conversion of checks, debit
card transactions and greater frequency of one-time payments
initiated by telephone and the Web. We are making changes to
the ACH system to support such transactions given the legitimate
market demand they reflect. As we continue to see changes in
ACH, I will welcome constructive discussion as to how the Federal
Reserve’s role and the roles of other participants should evolve to
enhance societal benefits.
Conclusion
Anyone active in the retail payments business faces significant
challenges over the next year or two and over the longer term as
well. This is true of the Federal Reserve, but we are not just
“another player” in this business; we are a public institution, and
therefore, our overriding objective is to improve social welfare.
This objective, together with changes under way in the
marketplace and with our historic role in retail payments, has led
me to three initial conclusions.
1. To the degree that the move to electronic payments from
paper checks represents the preferences of households and
firms, it makes society better off and is a desirable outcome. It
should be encouraged.
2. Over the long run, the Federal Reserve must pass several
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rigorous tests to offer new products with the ultimate goal of
improving social welfare by, in part, not displacing through its
actions products and services the market would otherwise
provide. At the same time, we should recognize that there
may be instances where societal benefits could be maximized
by the Fed’s direct provision of retail payments services;
clearly, such cases need to be identified objectively.
3. Modifications to the Federal Reserve’s current array of retail
payments services can generally make society better off, if
such modifications are responsive to demand and result in
more competitive pricing and provision than would otherwise
occur.
In closing, I look forward to further consideration and discussion of
these conclusions. Your input is essential to assuring that our
direction continues to serve society as a whole.
Endnote
1See Lorretta J. Mester. 2003. “Changes in the Use of Electronic
Payments: 1995-2001.” Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia
Business Review. Third Quarter. 18-20. [PDF]
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Cite this document
APA
E. Gerald Corrigan (2003, October 29). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20031030_e_gerald_corrigan
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_20031030_e_gerald_corrigan,
author = {E. Gerald Corrigan},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {2003},
month = {Oct},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20031030_e_gerald_corrigan},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}