speeches · March 19, 2003
Regional President Speech
William J. McDonough · President
030333
Remarks
Before the
New York State Bankers Association
Annual Financial Services Forum
By
William J. McDonough
President and Chief Ex~cutive Officer
Federal Reserve Bank of New York
New York, New York
March 20, 2003
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It is a pleasure to appear before the New York State
Bankers Association today. The opportunity to address you
on the occasion of your annual meetings has been one of the
great privileges of being President of the Federal Reserve
Bank of New York. I regret that this will be the last time
I will do so before my retirement. This morning, I would
like to focus my comments on the issues of technology and
structural change in the U.S. economy and the challenges I
see ahead for our economy, our industry, and our region.
When I became President of the Federal Reserve Bank
nearly ten years ago, the U.S. economy and the banking
system were just beginning to heal from the severe problems
that stemmed from the commercial real estate and leveraged
buyout booms of the 1980s. In those days, we faced an
economy that grew more slowly and produced fewer jobs than
was typical of earlier postwar recoveries. We attributed
that slow growth to the headwinds created by widespread
financial distress.
Now, in March 2003, we are once again in the early
stages of the recovery process. This time, the U.S.
economy has been recovering from two major shocks: the
bursting of the high-tech financial bubble and the
devastating attacks of September 11, 2001.
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The effects of the bursting of the stock market
bubble have proven to be far more long term and pervasive
than expected. Although many anticipated that the impact
of a lower stock market would fall heavily on consumers,
consumer spending and housing have remained remarkably
buoyant. Rather, it is the· business sector that has borne
the brunt of the stock market declines. In contrast to the
investment boom that accompanied the rising stock market,
firms began sharply cutting back investment in plant,
equipment, and software to reduce global excess capacity
around the time that the stock market started falling.
Major acquisitions and minority investments in high-tech
firms were written down in value, sometimes with brutal
results for corporate earnings. Those companies in weak or
uncertain financial condition faced much higher financing
costs, especially in the bond markets.
There have been some genuine surprises in the wake of
the bur~ting of the stock market bubble. For one, the
stock market boom proved to be fertile soil for serious
corporate governance problems that began to come to light
in the fall of 2001 and intensified thereafter. Second,
state and local government deficits ballooned as revenues
plummeted far more than expected, given the relatively mild
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recession. Third, nonprofit organizations saw their
endowments and their incomes dwindle.
The tragedy of September 11 compounded some of the
difficulties already facing the U.S. economy. The attacks
not only temporarily depressed consumer and business
spending, worsening the recession, but also ushered in a
period of geopolitical uncertainty that continues to this
day. Moreover, the need for stepped up defense and
homeland security required a shift in resource allocation
and led to at least some modest reduction in productivity
growth. We estimate that the one-time decline in private
sector labor productivity due to homeland security costs
will be no more than about 1 percent, but the size of the
loss ultimately will depend on the nature and persistence
of the security threat.
Notwithstanding the magnitude of these shocks -- the
bursting of the stock market bubble and the accompanying
corporate governance scandals, along with the attacks of
September 11 -- the U.S. economy has held its own. The
recession was mild. Real economic growth on a four-quarter
basis slowed to near zero in 2001 and reached a respectable
2.9 percent in 2002.
But the recession and early recovery, as in 1991, no
longer has the V-shape so familiar in early postwar
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business cycles. Currently, the U.S. economy is expanding
below its potential growth rate -- that is, the rate at
which it can grow without creating inflationary pressure.
That speed limit for the U.S. economy, at least in the
medium term, is set by the sum of labor force and
productivity growth. We estimate potential sustainable
growth to be between 3 and 3.25 percent. Moreover, net job
growth since the apparent trough of the 2001 recession is
weaker than it was in the same period of the early 1990s
recovery.
These developments suggest that significant changes
are taking place in the behavior of the U.S. economy over
recent business cycles. One of the most notable changes has
been the reduction in the volatility of GDP growth. More
specifically, the volatility of U.S. quarterly GDP growth,
as measured by its standard deviation, has halved in the
twenty years since 1983 compared with the prior thirty
years. Expansions are longer. Although the eight
expansions between 1945 and 1980 lasted an average of fewer
than 45 months, the two since 1980 have lasted 92 and 120
months. Recessions have been shorter and shallower.
A great deal of evidence points to technology as the
major factor that helps account for changes in the U.S.
business cycle. When I speak about technology, I am not
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referring simply to advances in the development of
computers and other electronic devices. Rather, I mean the
ways in which goods and services are produced and
distributed within the economy. What is the evidence for
technology's role? Two phenomena are of particular
importance.
The first has to do with the striking changes in the
behavior of inventories over the past two decades. Prior
to the early 1980s, inventory investment typically
exacerbated economic fluctuations. During sales slowdowns,
businesses tended to find themselves with large excess
inventory stocks that obliged them to make drastic cuts in
production. During times of expanding sales, businesses
had to scramble to replenish inventory stocks, leading to
sharp, brief spikes in production.
Over the last two decades, this destabilizing
inventory behavior has diminished significantly. Advances
in info~mation systems that track sales and inventories,
reorder inventory automatically, and shorten production and
delivery times have allowed businesses to be more timely in
their responses to changes in demand, with the result that
inventory investment no longer plays as prominent a role in
economic fluctuations. Inventory-to-sales ratios have
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declined steadily over the past two decades, most notably
in the durable goods sector.
Technology also is the major factor in the pickup in
productivity growth that the United States has experienced
since the mid-1990s. As has been well-documented, growth
in labor productivity has been roughly 1 percentage point
faster since 1996 than it was in the prior twenty-two years
and close to the average of the strongest years of the
early postwar period. This key driver of our economy
allows us to grow faster without increasing the threat of
inflation.
Thus, technology underpins a higher potential growth
rate and more moderate business cycles. But another
implication of technol ogy is continuous change and what
Joseph Schumpeter call ed "creative destruction,u the rise
of new firms, the renewal of old firms, and the failure of
firms that do not innovate. This process of creative
destruction is important in providing at least a partial
expl anation for the unusually slow and gradual recoveries
and low job growth we have seen after the l ast t wo.
recessions.
An economy undergoing structural change is of
necessity continuously creating and destroying jobs.
During recessions, fewer jobs are created and more are
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destroyed. Until the early 1980s, these structural changes
were small. The predominant employment dynamic was for
cyclical industries to lay off workers temporarily in
recessions and rehire them in the early recovery. Since
1980, however, we have seen that in each recession and
early recovery, a falling share of job gains and losses was
cyclical. Rather, the recession and early recovery have
become especially intense periods of structural change.
When we examine job gains and losses by industry in the
last two cycles, we see that industries that added jobs did
so both in recessions and in recoveries. Industries that
lost jobs also did so in recessions and in recoveries. Job
gains and losses thus provide a simple way to distinguish
growing from shrinking industries.
A further explanation for the shallow recessions and
slow recoveries of the recent past may have to do with the
labor market. In recessions involving mainly temporary
cyclical layoffs, firms require little time and cost to
rehire workers and resume higher production levels. In
recoveries involving substantial structural change, where
workers are permanently laid off and need to seek
employment in another sector, the time and resources
required to complete the adjustment are greater and thus
the recovery is slower.
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These developments point to an important challenge our
economy faces. Namely, how can we help to develop further
flexibility in our markets and in our workforce to allow
for the smoothest possible reallocation of resources across
our economy as it continues the process of structural
change? The question is especially difficult because of
the considerable flexibility that already exists in the
U.S. labor market.
Nonetheless, there are measures that can be taken.
For example, I believe employers need to more fully
understand and plan for the likelihood that employees will
need to shift careers or locations one or more times over
their working lives. We could do so by improving
opportunities and offering incentives for education and
training throughout a worker's career. To recognize the
importance of worker mobility, we could look for further
improvements in pension portability and benefits
continuity. As employers, we need to communicate more often
and more openly with employees and encourage them to be
more proactive in augmenting their skills and seeking
change over a career, whether in the same job or a new job,
with the current employer or a new one.
One contribution to the increased flexibility of our
economy in recent decades has been greater financial sector
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resilience, particularly in the banking industry. In the
consumer sector, several decades of improvement in the
availability of credit have enabled households to behave
very much like the textbook model of consumption behavior:
households smooth their consumption over time, taking into
account the arc of their income over their lifetimes. For
businesses, banks and financial markets have played a major
role in supporting the economy through considerable
structural change during this recession, a remarkable
development when compared with the di·stress of financial
institutions during the 1990-91 recession cycle.
In fact, credit markets have performed better in this
recession and recovery than they did in the early 1990s, a
period often characterized as a "credit crunch." Credit
standards for bank lending began to tighten in 1999, well
in advance of the economy's slowing. Although the credit
risk appetite of the bond market has fluctuated since it
first tightened in the fall of 2000, over the past two and
a half years, the banking and bond markets have remained
open to virtually all healthy firms and even many
speculative-grade firms with stable financial prospects.
Credit has flowed steadily to small businesses as well.
This ability to supply credit to strong or relatively
stable borrowers reflects much greater discrimination by
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lenders and investors in the credit markets than was the
case in the early 1990s. At their best, financial markets
can and should be tough judges of creditworthiness. In an
economy characterized by long expansions and by
substantial, continuous structural adjustment, making such
judgments is difficult but essential. Those judgments
mainly involve credit decisions that are based on analyses
of the long-run prospects of industries and of firms and
their management. The amounts at risk include both the
principal of loans, bonds, and other forms of credit and
the value of income streams from a variety of fee services
that have become a key component in financial services
income.
Therefore, the credit and income risks to financial
firms today can be substantial one reason why financial
firms have boosted their capital, diversified their risks,
and advanced their risk management techniques over the last
decade. Not surprisingly, during the recent downturn,
banks and investors have experienced credit losses. But
proactive risk management and the healthy capitalization of
U.S. banks have allowed these losses to be recognized
promptly and to be absorbed without the distress that
characterized the early 1990s. Moreover, the market richly
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rewards this stabilizing behavior. The banking industry
has earned record profits in the past two years.
One large shadow in this picture of more effective
financial markets, especially in the investment-grade
markets, involves corporate governance problems. When I
speak about corporate governance, I am speaking about such
issues as accounting and disclosure, the composition and
independence of the board of directors, and executive
compensation. The issues also involve concerns about
conflicts of interest and the arrangement of tax-saving and
balance-sheet-transforming financial transactions.
Some of you already know how strongly I feel about
these issues and the damage they have done. Today, I would
like to talk about the linkages between corporate
governance and the performance of the economy.
One concern I have is that recovery in the business
sector continues to be restrained not just by geopolitical
uncertainty and the need for further restructuring in some
key sectors, but by caution on the part of investors and
lenders. They continue to doubt the quality of internal
governance and external oversight, as well as the
reliability of the information corporations provide in
short, critical issues of investor and lender confidence.
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Those of us who worked through the banking problems of
the early 1990s also faced issues of confidence. At that
time, two developments signaled a turnaround to investors
and liability holders. The first was a recovery of bank
balance sheets as banks worked down their stock of
nonperforming loans and raised new capital. The second was
an extensive wave of banking and supervisory reforms that
continues to benefit us to this day, including key
legislation such as the Federal Deposit Insurance
Corporation Improvement Act, known as FDICIA.
I particularly want to emphasize the voluntary, self
directed efforts taken by both bankers and their regulators
to ensure that such problems will not engulf them again.
On the banking side, these efforts have led to important
strides in internal risk management, such as developing
more comprehensive and timely information systems,
strengthening the loan review and audit functions, and
providing a better, more organized flow of information to ·
the bank's board of directors.
On the supervisory side, the training of examiners has
been strengthened as have the analytical tools we use on
the job. At the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, we have
reorganized our examinations area in the last few years.
We have developed more product and risk specialists, more
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opportunity for rotation, and more targeted reviews that
enable us to stay on top of a rapidly changing industry.
Finally, there is a generation of bankers and examiners who
experienced the problems of the early 1990s firsthand and
are now senior managers in financial institutions and
supervisory agencies.
I submit that we have much the same situation today in
the sense that we are making improvements in how our
institutions are governed and in how the integrity of our
markets is safeguarded. The public sector has acted.
Congress has passed the Sarbanes-Oxley Act and the
Securities and Exchange Commission has promulgated new
rules. In the private sector, some leading corporations
have taken steps to appoint a presiding director, to
increase the number of independent directors on the board,
and to introduce other corporate reforms.
We have seen some shareholder activism on the issue of
executive compensation. Some have discovered that
restricted stock options can be priced after all. And we
now have a generation of corporate managers who have
witnessed firsthand the enormous human and financial costs
of personal improprieties, breakdowns in internal controls,
and skewed incentives.
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But we cannot really say that we have a wave of reform
until we see governance reforms take hold broadly
throughout the corporate sector. We need to see more
progress on accounting reform, including efforts to
strengthen training and governance within accounting firms
to prevent the ethical lapses that so plainly occurred. We
need to deal with the issue of executive compensation. It
is clearly within our competence to address these problems
without more legislation. These issues should be a top
priority.
What other challenges lie ahead for the banking and
financial industry? One immediate challenge for financial
institutions, in my view, is to meet the changing product
demands of customers and to do so with new, lower cost
structures made possible by applying information and
communications technology. At the high point of the tech
bubble, the potential competitors with financial
institutions appeared to be dot-corns offering stand-alone
electronic services, with cost advantages that appeared
overwhelming.
Many forms of electronic commerce survived the
bursting of the dot-corn bubble. El ectronic bill payment
and electronic banking have steadily increased over the
last few years. For example, the proportion of banking
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customers who have used electronic banking has risen from
around 8 to 24 percent over · four years. Electronic trading
platforms and electronic brokerage are essential elements
in such core markets as foreign exchange, government
securities, and equities. Loan and deposit information can
be compared across institutions through the Internet. The
streamlining of payment and settlement systems through the
use of straight-through processing, central counterparties,
and other innovations are continuing to change the
architecture of some of the financial system's most
essential functions.
Over the last two decades, we have seen dramatic
growth in the financial sector, simultane6us with changes
in the specific roles of individual banks and other
financial firms and in the products and services they
offer. Since deregulation began in earnest in the 1970s,
financial institutions have shown an astounding ability to
adapt or merge. And there certainly is more to come.
Regulators must not stand in the way of these
important structural changes. Financial firms must be able
to respona construc~ively to changing conditi ons, empl oy
new technologies, and take on new risks. The regulatory
process needs to be oriented positively to change; it
should be timely in delivering decisions -- al l the more so
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..
,{
given today's short product cycles and the rapidly changing
competitive environment.
For their part, financial firms need to bring the
necessary capital, management skill, and risk discipline to
their activities. Well-managed institutions in strong
financial condition should have great freedom. And
regulators should pursue with vigor financial institutions
that permit incompetence or impropriety.
What do all of these developments mean for our region
and our city? The issue of restructuring in the financial
industry is especially important for New York City and New
York State. Although the national economy has suffered two
major shocks, New York City has suffered three: the
national recession, the terrorist attacks of September 11,
and the restructuring of the financial industry.
New York City is particularly dependent on the
financial industry. The financial sector accounts for 15
percent_ of all jobs in New York City, but roughly 35
percent of the income earned. Jobs in the business
services sector, many rel ated to the financial industry,
also pay above-average wages. Toget her, these two sectors
account for roughly two-thirds of al l income in the city.
And when we look at tax revenues, the major swings in New
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York City revenues reflect the fortunes of the securities
industry.
Economists at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York
have developed a set of coincident indicators to help
forecast the economic outlook for the New York City and New
York State economies. These indicators show that the
downturn in both the city and the state began early in
2001. In particular, a fairly sharp dropoff in employment
in both the city and the state began in early 2001.
The employment count shows that the city's economy
sustained a further heavy blow with the destruction of the
World Trade Center. We estimate that the city lost around
80,000 jobs in the immediate aftermath of the attack. But
once that short and sharp blow was absorbed, developments
in employment in the city have broadly mirrored those that
have been taking place in the national economy -- namely, a
jobless recovery that since the beginning of the year seems
to have weakened further.
One reason that the city and state economies have
shown some resilience in the recent period is because they
were growing strongl y before the 2001 recession took hold.
For New York City, economic performance in the 1990s was
remarkable, as the financial industry boomed and various
sectors -- such as the entertainment industry, new media,
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and health care -- expanded. Moreover, the crime rate came
down -- in recent years, it fell below the national average
-- and immigration picked up. Similarly, the New York
State economy enjoyed robust growth in the 1990s. For the
past four years, job growth in the state has roughly
matched or exceeded that of the nation. More recently, job
losses in most of New York City's suburbs have been fairly
mild, while upstate losses have been on a par with the
nation.
In the city, optimism continues, as reflected by the
continuing willingness of people to make a home here.
Housing prices have outpaced the nation since the mid-1990s
and continue to do so, a sign of the fundamental strength
in the local economy that should help us work our way
through the difficult days ahead. Nevertheless, in New
York, as in other states and municipalities, the long-term
effects of the high-tech bubble have left a more permanent
problem.
For example, I discern a general consensus that
al though the city's economy is still sound, despite its
trouble, the structural problems in the budget will not
disappear with the resumption of economic growth. During
the boom, the long-run trend of revenues was hard to
separate from the cyclical and special factors, such as
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taxes on capital gains and realized stock options that
boosted the city coffers. Long-run revenue trends were
overestimated; long-run spending trends were accordingly
adjusted upward. Today, the city and state governments
have begun the difficult task of bringing spending and
revenues into better alignment.
Here in the region, therefore, we too are coping with
structural change. Technology advances have created
benefits for the private sector that could also improve the
long-term fiscal outcome of state and local governments.
Cities and states could usefully re-examine regulations and
governmental practices that limit flexibility for
businesses to be established and to grow. Also, cities and
states could more aggressively explore new ways of working
to enhance their services while reducing costs.
In my remarks this morning, I have focused on the
theme of technology and the constancy of change in our
economy and our financial system. Technology has helped to
account for the increased resil ience of t he U.S. economy.
It has also generated substantial structural change in our
economy -- change, as we have seen, that may have its most
powerful effects in recessions and early recovery periods.
In turn, flexibility in our labor and financial
markets has facilitated the deployment of technology. I
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believe we can continue to enhance the flexibility of our
economy particularly in the labor market, th~ delivery
of government services, and the setting of local
regulations. And we must move aggressively to resolve the
problems of corporate governance.
Clearly, the financial industry has benefited greatly
over the last two decades from technology and structural
change. At the same time, I believe we may well be in an
important period of further structural change in the
financial industry -- a period potentially as transforming
as the explosion of the capital markets in the 1980s. If
so, we as regulators shoul d not impede that transformation,
even as we remain committed to maintaining the soundness
and stability of the financial system.
If I am correct and we are in a period of rapid
structural change in the financial industry, this change
will have a major impact on New York City and New York
State. In view of the proven ability of the financial
industry and our region to adapt to change thus far, as
well as, the resilience demonstrated by our city ov~r the
last eighteen months, I am confident in our joint capacity
to maste~ whatever challenges subsequent change brings to
our doorstep.
Thank you.
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Cite this document
APA
William J. McDonough (2003, March 19). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20030320_william_j_mcdonough
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_20030320_william_j_mcdonough,
author = {William J. McDonough},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {2003},
month = {Mar},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20030320_william_j_mcdonough},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}