speeches · October 23, 2002
Regional President Speech
E. Gerald Corrigan · President
Economic Literacy Leads to Better Grasp of Public Policy Issues | Feder... https://minneapolisfed.org/news-and-events/presidents-speeches/economi...
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Good evening. I am delighted to join you here in Richmond to Banking in the Ninth
participate in the Virginia Council on Economic Education's annual
meeting. I have been involved in economic education for a long Connect
time now, both in Minnesota and at the national level, and I think MinneapolisFed on Twitter
the effort has, if anything, become increasingly urgent. In this Minneapolis Fed on Facebook
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vein, I am pleased that the Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond is
hosting this event and that Kemper Baker of the Richmond Fed is
the chairman-elect of your organization, and I am equally pleased
to be able to publicly thank Buford Scott for his many significant
contributions to economic education. As you may know, Buford
and I serve together on the Board of the National Council on
Economic Education.
This is the fourth opportunity I've had in the past year to address
an annual meeting of a state council on economic education.
While I genuinely welcome these opportunities, they present a
challenge in that I do not want to take these occasions to simply
repeat “the same old song.” But that means I am obligated to
reflect upon and to refine the content and the message I plan to
deliver.
For this evening, I thought I would argue for the value of economic
education by demonstrating that economics can provide insight
into several interesting and somewhat controversial public policy
issues. In particular, I will provide examples of economic analysis
as it pertains to four such issues: transportation and congestion,
affordable housing, the minimum wage and deposit insurance. In
at least some cases, the rigor of economic analysis is missing
from much of the public discussion of these issues, and hence the
quality of the debate has suffered. At the same time, I readily
acknowledge that considerations other than those of economics
are relevant to the policy choices that might be made. Further, let
me emphasize that the points made are not original; rather, they
are part of the ongoing economic commentary on these topics.
And let me also remind you that I am speaking only for myself,
and not the Federal Reserve, on these issues.
The launching pad for these thoughts is a comment by Bob
Solow, a Nobel Prize winner in economics and a professor
emeritus at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, in
an interview in the September issue of our Region magazine.
Paraphrasing, Solow said that conveying economic ideas clearly
is a very difficult thing to do, and yet it is essential that we
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succeed because too much of what passes for debate on policies
is nearly incoherent. Certainly, citizens better steeped in the
principles of economics would be able to both understand and to
contribute to discussion about policy at a higher level, and
consequently we should expect better policies over time as a
result.
As indicated, I am going to discuss several issues for illustrative
purposes, and since there is no one obvious place to begin, let
me arbitrarily start with transportation. An issue in many large
cities today is congestion—specifically, a level of automobile traffic
that has lengthened commuting times and heightened
inconvenience for many. One response to this problem,
implemented in numerous locations, has been special lanes for
high occupancy vehicles (HOV), that is, cars with two or more
travelers. Unfortunately, such lanes are generally underutilized
and have done little to relieve congestion.
Observing this, economists have proposed opening HOV lanes to
anyone willing to pay for them, presumably drivers who want to
save time and have the financial resources to permit them to do
so. By the way, the lanes could remain free to cars with at least
two travelers. This proposal, to permit cars with only one occupant
to use HOV lanes for a fee, has been opposed because allegedly
it favors those with high income and therefore is unfair. In light of
this opposition, few politicians have been willing to take up the
cause.
The problem with this argument is that it overlooks the fact that
almost everyone would be made better off by charging for HOV
lanes and opening them to more vehicles. By definition, those
who pay to use the lanes are better off because they have
voluntarily decided to do so. And those who continue to travel the
regular lanes are also better off because congestion will have
decreased, since some travelers have transferred to the HOV
lanes.
Taking these considerations one step further, those with training in
economics might see in pricing a potentially effective way to
address congestion more broadly. Suppose “rush hour” in city x is
from 7:30 to 9 in the morning and from 4:30 to 6 in the evening.
Why not charge one price for use of highways during those hours
and a lower or no fee during off-hours? Since we, the
economically literate, know that incentives matter, we can say with
confidence that such a fee schedule, known as congestion pricing
in the trade, will alter traffic patterns and will reduce congestion.
Let me move to a second issue where an economic perspective
helps to elucidate policy options. We hear a lot today about
affordable housing and, specifically, about an affordable housing
crisis. Yet, the nature of this crisis is hard to pin down since, as far
as we can tell from available evidence, housing markets work well
in most locations, and only a small part of the population lives in
substandard housing. It turns out that the affordable housing crisis
is best described as a situation where low-income families have to
spend a disproportionately high share of their income on housing,
leaving limited resources for food, clothing, medical care and so
forth.
From this perspective, the issue is more appropriately understood
as an income problem rather than a housing problem. Moreover,
this is a distinction with a difference, for it suggests that the
solution lies not with housing policies per se but with policies
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which increase family income. In the long run, these may well
involve an emphasis on education and training. But in the short
run, for low-income families spending a high percentage of
income on housing, one could consider a housing voucher
program, a voucher program for other necessities thereby making
them more affordable or direct income transfers to families who
qualify. These are all potentially effective means of relieving
pressure on the budgets of low-income families. All of these
suggestions will have side effects to be sure, not all of which will
be desirable, but none of these proposals involves direct
government intervention in housing markets, markets that are
already functioning well.
Also on the income front, we have the issue of the minimum
wage. Proposals to increase the minimum wage abound, and they
are usually “sold” as beneficial to people with low incomes. But
economic analysis suggests that this is not the whole story. It is
more accurate to say that an increase in the minimum wage is
helpful to low-income workers who remain employed; however, an
increase in the minimum wage will decrease employment, other
things equal, because labor will have become more expensive,
and hence employers will use less. Straightforward supply and
demand analysis produces this conclusion.
But the incentive effects of an increase in the minimum wage also
ought to raise concern. An increase in the minimum wage may
induce some to drop out of high school earlier than otherwise to
seek employment, since returns to work have gone up. This
outcome may not be desirable. After all, we know that the
economic and other returns to education are substantial, and in
general education is something we want to encourage. An
increase in the minimum wage seemingly does not contribute to
this objective.
Finally, in a different arena, let me offer a few thoughts about
deposit insurance, a policy successful in several respects but one
which carries substantial, albeit subtle, costs as well. As initially
conceived back in the 1930s, deposit insurance at banks and
similar institutions was designed to protect the assets of small and
presumably unsophisticated account holders. With the current
insurance limit of $100,000 per account, one might argue that the
original intent has been surpassed, but that is not the key point.
Any amount of deposit insurance necessarily creates a group of
depositors with no incentive to monitor the quality of their bank
and worry about the soundness of its practices. This is because
such depositors know they will be fully protected by insurance in
the event the bank fails.
This absence of incentive to worry about the riskiness of the bank
means that market discipline of insured institutions is not all that it
could and should be. One might think that this is a relatively minor
issue, since large uninsured depositors have ample incentive to
monitor banks. In many cases this is true, but it is not accurate for
banks deemed “too-big-to-fail,” that is, banks so large and
important that policymakers will not permit them to fail. Even
uninsured depositors may have little incentive to monitor these
banks because they expect to be protected by extraordinary
government action if the bank encounters serious difficulty.
As suggested earlier, one significant consequence of deposit
insurance and too-big-to-fail is that market discipline of banks is
unduly low. As a result, at least some banks will take excessive
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risks, not because they intentionally make bad loans but because
the market is not pricing risk accurately. That is, because of
deposit insurance and too-big-to-fail policies, risk taking is priced
too low, and we know from economics that, therefore, too much
risk will be taken. Even if no bank fails, mispricing risk and
excessive risk taking mean that resource allocation in the
economy is suboptimal and living standards are not as high as
they could be. Admittedly, we don't know the size of the resource
misallocation, although it could be sizable. Costs of implicit
too-big-to-fail guarantees clearly have been substantial in several
developing economies where turmoil in the financial sector and
subsequent disruptions in economic activity reduced living
standards appreciably.
To be sure, deposit insurance has conferred significant benefits as
well as costs. But the point is to recognize that this policy, like so
many others, is a double-edged sword. Moreover, it is especially
important to recognize this in light of the current debate about the
desirability of increasing deposit insurance coverage in the United
States, a step I think ill-advised.
The point of these examples, as suggested earlier, is to
demonstrate that economic thinking can contribute meaningfully
to significant policy issues. Economic considerations will not
necessarily be decisive but, given the “law of unintended
consequences,” I would maintain that such considerations
deserve considerable weight. After all, it is important that we get
public policy right—it can affect the well being of many.
I suspect that emphasizing the value of economic reasoning
before a group of economic educators is tantamount to “carrying
coal to Newcastle.” That's OK from my perspective. It doesn't hurt
to remind ourselves and others that economics has a lot to say
about important issues. It's one of the reasons we should and do
care about economic education—and it's one reason why I
congratulate and sincerely thank the classroom teachers,
economic educators, and business and community leaders here
tonight who have contributed so meaningfully to the cause of
economic education.
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Cite this document
APA
E. Gerald Corrigan (2002, October 23). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20021024_e_gerald_corrigan
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_20021024_e_gerald_corrigan,
author = {E. Gerald Corrigan},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {2002},
month = {Oct},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20021024_e_gerald_corrigan},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}