speeches · June 8, 1999
Regional President Speech
E. Gerald Corrigan · President
Thoughts on Economic Growth | Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis https://minneapolisfed.org/news-and-events/presidents-speeches/thought...
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The overarching subject of my remarks today is economic growth:
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what we know about it, what we can make educated guesses Banking in the Ninth
about, what we don't know. Growth is a key economic issue from
several perspectives. After all, the more rapidly an economy
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grows, the more rapidly its living standards rise given the path of
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its population, and rapid increases in standards of living are Minneapolis Fed on Facebook
positive from virtually every perspective. Not only are people RSS Feeds
better off in material terms, but they also tend to enjoy greater
economic security and greater opportunity in a rapid growth
environment. To be sure, some worry that growth may be
accompanied by degradation of the environment or by other
undesirable side effects, but it is worth bearing in mind that the
higher incomes growth creates are in the long run essential to
preserving, and ultimately enhancing, the environment.
In my comments today, I will describe a theoretical framework with
which we can think about growth, discuss what we know and don't
know about the variables of the growth “model,” and speculate
about the factors that influence an economy's receptivity to new
technology, a key ingredient in growth. Implicitly, and occasionally
explicitly, these ruminations will draw on “real world” examples as
well as theoretical foundations. In the end, I conclude that healthy,
sustained growth depends principally on the effective marriage of
Adam Smith's “invisible hand” with provision of sound
infrastructure and stabilization policies by government. This is,
perhaps, not a startling formula, but it is nevertheless one many
countries have had difficulty achieving.
Let me now proceed to try to make my case. A constructive way
to start to think about growth is that it results from expansion of
total hours worked by employees together with the increased
productivity of those employed. That is, growth is a question of
labor input and the productivity of that input. One might think that
the quantity and the quality of an economy's capital stock would
also affect growth significantly and they do, but in the framework
utilized here their effects are captured in the labor productivity
term.
In the long run, labor input is effectively determined by the size of
the economy's labor force, assuming the economy does not run
persistently below full employment, and the labor force, in turn, is
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Thoughts on Economic Growth | Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis https://minneapolisfed.org/news-and-events/presidents-speeches/thought...
determined by demographics. Changes in the labor force are the
difference between those leaving to retire (or for other reasons)
and those entering. The number of new entrants is largely
predictable, absent a change in immigration policy, because at
least for the next twenty years or so, these people are alive today.
Looking at retirement patterns in conjunction with prospective
entrants yields the result for the U.S. that the labor force will grow
about one percent per year on average in the long run.
There is, of course, some short-run flexibility hidden by this
calculation. For example, people may choose to retire later than
normal or to enter the labor market earlier, but this flexibility is
constrained by the fact that labor force participation rates are
already relatively high. Similarly, people can choose to work
longer hours, but average weekly hours worked is at a high level.
The point is that on average over the long run, labor force
demographics will prevail.
Labor productivity, the second important variable in the growth
relation, is considerably more difficult to fathom. In fact, it is
difficult to measure accurately, much less to forecast. According to
the published data, productivity initially rose at nearly a three
percent annual rate in the postwar period — from 1945 to 1973 to
be precise. Its rate of expansion subsequently slowed to about
one percent per annum over the 1973 to 1995 interval, before
accelerating again to a two percent average increase over the
past three years.
Economists and policymakers still can't explain the productivity
slowdown that began in 1973 and persisted until the middle of this
decade. Moreover, the debate about whether the recently
observed acceleration in productivity is a cyclical or long-term
phenomenon is unresolved. Meanwhile, business people and
some analysts maintain that the available national statistics
understate significantly the recent pace of productivity
improvement, especially in service industries.
Wherever the quantitative truth lies, there is no doubt that
arithmetically the pace of productivity advance matters a great
deal. For example, if the recently observed increase — gains of
about two percent per year — persists, then per capita income will
double in about 35 years. But if annual productivity gains recede
to their previous pace, then it will take about 70 years before per
capita income doubles.
Ideally, we should be able to say something definitive about the
prospective track of productivity, and therefore the trend of the
economy, but this is not the case. In view of this limitation, a
valuable step is to examine the factors that influence productivity
performance over time, to see what they may imply about the
future. What do we know about the determinants of labor
productivity?
As noted earlier, the productivity of labor depends on physical
capital, and on human capital as well — that is, the skills,
experience, and education levels of the labor force, for example.
And labor productivity also depends on the available state of
technology, which refers to the efficiency with which a given set of
productive inputs — capital and labor — is employed. It has long
been recognized that improvement in the state of technology —
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technological progress — is an important factor increasing labor
productivity.
If technological progress is central to productivity gains, hardly a
surprising conclusion, then what determines the state of
technology in an economy? In part, the state of technology
depends on the pool of world knowledge at a given time and,
more importantly, on internal institutional arrangements that
promote or retard the use of this knowledge. Technological
progress, therefore, depends on the rate at which world
knowledge grows and on the extent to which a country's
institutions and infrastructure provide incentives for employing the
expanding world knowledge.
We can go even a bit further. Evidence shows that the state of
technology of an economy is related positively to such policies as,
for example, deregulation and openness to foreign trade. These
results are interesting and merit further thought, for they are
reminiscent of Adam Smith's thinking in “An Inquiry into the
Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations.”
Smith's book, a classic in economic literature, extols the
contributions of competition and specialization to material
progress. And now we can begin to see connections between
Smith's work and recent US economic progress. Deregulation and
openness to trade enhance competition and specialization, as
Smith knew, and apparently both contribute to technological
progress. I would argue that it is competitive pressure, particularly,
which encourages the adoption and adaptation of the new
technologies essential to gains in the U.S. economy.
It thus appears that application of one of the oldest insights in
economics helps to explain current developments. And as long as
our commitment to competitive markets holds, I would think that
the favorable path of productivity improvement could be
sustained.
Let me elaborate further. In the current competitive,
noninflationary environment, it has become clear to business that
profits could be sustained only by restraining costs, a course of
action vigorously pursued. Improved resource allocation, brought
about both by technological progress and by the creative
destruction that favors new industries, is at the heart of economic
progress. Specialization, too, is promoted by foreign trade, and
“outsourcing” is a domestic example of the phenomenon. Further,
the US has permitted changes in industrial organization, through
substantial merger and acquisition activity, to best exploit the new
technology.
Given our performance, confidence in market-determined
outcomes should be heightened. Despite occasional, and at
times, significant disruptions, there should be little doubt that
unrestricted flows of goods, labor, information, and financial
capital are in the long-run interests of prosperity. Concern with
international capital flows tends to rise when developing
economies experience difficulties associated with capital outflows,
but frequently such concern overlooks the constructive role
foreign capital played in earlier development stages. Moreover, in
the right institutional setting, market signals can curtail excessive
risk-taking, thus helping to preclude outsized financial disruptions.
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I would go further, and argue that interference with market signals
is frequently at the root of problems the unfettered market is
alleged to create.
In heaping praise on Adam Smith and market forces, I do not
mean to imply that there is no role for government in initiating and
supporting economic prosperity. Indeed, government is important
on two levels: that of macroeconomic policy and what I will
broadly refer to as infrastructure. With regard, first, to
macroeconomic policy, the objective should be to provide a stable
financial environment in which the private sector can thrive.
For the Federal Reserve and monetary policy, this prescription
implies a policy designed to achieve and maintain low inflation,
not because low inflation is an important stand-alone goal but
because it is the most significant contribution monetary policy can
make to sustained growth and prosperity. For fiscal policy at the
national level — that is, Federal tax and spending policy — the
prescription, recognizing that the US is a low saving economy, is
to run a budget surplus so that private saving is enhanced with
public-sector saving. Interestingly enough, it appears that the
private sector has thrived as monetary and fiscal policies have
approached their respective goals.
As far as the government and infrastructure is concerned, I am
not just referring to the provision of highways, airports, and so
forth, important though they may be. Rather, the government has
a responsibility to establish and maintain the infrastructure
required for a successful commercial society. That is, the
government is responsible for protection of property rights,
regulation and supervision of banks, establishment of accounting
standards, enforcement of the rule of law, maintenance of the
integrity of the credit decision making process, and so forth. As
we have seen in East Asia, Eastern Europe, and South America,
when this infrastructure is lacking financial disruption is virtually
inevitable, and economic progress usually stalls, and perhaps
falters, while the necessary infrastructure is put in place.
Unfortunately, such adjustments frequently are accompanied by
significant reductions in living standards, at least for some
segments of the population.
It would also appear that infrastructure of the type I am
emphasizing is essential to sustained technological progress. For
business to make substantial investments in new technology, it
must have confidence that it will be able to retain at least some of
the rewards, hence the importance of property rights, rule of law,
accurate accounting, and so forth. But this is not to say that
infrastructure, in and of itself, is sufficient for economic progress.
The fundamentals emphasized by Adam Smith are essential, as is
the stable macroeconomic climate discussed earlier.
In concluding, let me summarize these thoughts about growth. We
have a reasonable framework for analyzing growth, one that
appropriately emphasizes labor productivity. Unfortunately, we
know far less about productivity and its determinants than we
would like. We know, however, that productivity depends in part
on technological progress and that such progress goes hand in
hand with developments that enhance competition and
specialization, namely openness to foreign trade, deregulation,
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and so forth. We also suspect that government—provided
infrastructure, in the sense used here, is important to
technological progress, as is a stable macroeconomic
environment. If we have identified (at least some of) the
ingredients correctly, the outlook is positive for sustained, and
relatively rapid, productivity improvement in our economy.
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Cite this document
APA
E. Gerald Corrigan (1999, June 8). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19990609_e_gerald_corrigan
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19990609_e_gerald_corrigan,
author = {E. Gerald Corrigan},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1999},
month = {Jun},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19990609_e_gerald_corrigan},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}