speeches · September 14, 1997
Regional President Speech
E. Gerald Corrigan · President
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I. Introduction and Overview
An appropriate subtitle for this paper is “Say What You Mean, and
Mean What You Say.” As you will see as I proceed, this phrase is Connect
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essentially an admonition applicable in establishing and managing
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the safety net underpinning a nation's banking system. For the RSS Feeds
safety net should promote financial and economic stability and
yet, if poorly designed, it may do just the opposite, thereby
contributing to excessive risk taking and instability. Indeed, the
experience of many countries, industrialized and developing alike,
suggests that such perverse effects have in fact occurred from
time to time.
We believe that there is ample evidence in support of a safety net
to provide banking system stability, but we also believe that its
scope and operation must be defined carefully. Ultimately, the
issue transcends banking or financial system stability, for there is
now considerable evidence that the extent and quality of a
country's financial infrastructure is a significant determinant of
economic development.
The discussion today is organized in the following fashion. I first
review the late 1980s - early 1990s banking crisis in the U.S. and
emphasize the role of incentives — essentially, the moral hazard
problem — in our experience. After noting that this problem is not
unique to the US, I proceed in the next section to discuss the
value of the government safety net underpinning banking, arguing
that in its absence excessive instability could result. The
subsequent section takes up the issue of reconciling the
objectives of promotion of stability and limitation of moral hazard
costs, and presents a proposal, with coinsurance at its core, to do
just that. I conclude, before turning to comments and questions,
with a brief summary of key principles extracted from the
discussion.
II. Banking Crises and Moral Hazard in the US and
Elsewhere
The savings and loan crisis and increased failures of commercial
banks in the US during the 1980s and early 1990s consumed
considerable resources. Explicit resolution expenses were quite
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high, of course, as the S&L cleanup is estimated at 2 1/2 percent
or more of GDP. Indeed, this estimate is probably low, since it
ignores both deadweight losses resulting from resource
misallocation and damage to public confidence in the financial
and political system.
Despite its size and significance, the American experience of this
period was not unique. The World Bank reports that at least 70
banking crises occurred in the 1980s throughout the developed
and developing worlds. The quantitative impact of some of these
crises equaled or exceeded the US experience. And Asia saw its
share of banking crises in the 1980s in countries such as
Indonesia, Malaysia, Japan, Thailand, and the Philippines. At the
moment, Thailand is confronting another serious bout of
instability, and South Korea has also had a spate of banking and
related problems.
To be sure, each banking crisis seems as unique to the country
affected as the American crisis seemed to us. While detailed
understanding of the financial and legal system of each country is
required to speak about a given situation with authority,
economists have identified a number of factors common to many
banking crises. In particular, banking crises are frequently
associated with:
1. Macroeconomic shocks that increase the variability of
inflation, exchange rates, interest rates, or capital flows;
2. Deficiencies in supervisory policies in areas such as capital
standards or restrictions on insider activities;
3. An unwillingness to shut down insolvent institutions (i.e.
forbearance); and
4. Poor credit decisions and inept management of credit risk,
which are often related to government influence on credit
allocation.
The preceding list is far from comprehensive. Staff and
consultants at the Bank for International Settlements, the IMF, the
Inter-American Development Bank, and the World Bank have all
produced reviews in the last several years indicating, not
surprisingly, that many factors are responsible for any given
banking crisis.
A factor deliberately omitted from the discussion to this point is
the breakdown in, or absence of, market discipline, caused by a
belief that the government will absorb the losses that bank
creditors would otherwise bear. This is the well known problem of
moral hazard. In the US, moral hazard resulted in part from the
deposit insurance system that provides explicit coverage to
$100,000 per account. Protected depositors did not have
adequate incentive to price their funding according to the riskiness
of the bank, thereby allowing some institutions to attract funds at
below market rates. So-called brokered deposits exacerbated this
problem significantly, since the $100,000 umbrella could be
exploited despite geographic and other “natural” barriers.
But perhaps more devastating than explicit insurance coverage
was the influence of the government's implied support. Often
times the coverage of uninsured depositors in America is referred
to as a policy of too-big-to-fail, implying that, for systemic reasons,
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an institution is too important to expose its creditors to loss.
Actually, however, widespread protection of all uninsured
depositors is a more accurate description, for the FDIC protected
99.7 percent of all deposits at failed commercial banks from 1979
to 1989. This implicit coverage created widely held expectations
of government protection of depositors, especially at large
institutions, and further undermined market discipline significantly.
Moral hazard is not unique to the US Indeed, it is “credited” to
some degree with contributing to the banking problems
experienced in a long list of countries, including Japan, the
Philippines, Taiwan, Indonesia, South Korea, and Thailand.
Equally important, there should be little doubt at this stage that
inadequate or incapacitated financial institutions and markets
inhibit economic development and industrialization. A recent
article in the Journal of Economic Literature persuasively makes
the case that: “...the functioning of financial system is vitally linked
to economic growth. Specifically, countries with larger banks and
more active stock markets grow faster over subsequent decades
even after controlling for many other factors underlying economic
growth. Industries and firms that rely heavily on external financing
grow disproportionately faster in countries with well-developed
banks and securities markets than in countries with poorly
developed financial systems.”
Thus, one of the underlying premises implicit in the title of this
conference — namely, that the state of financial markets in Asia
may prove an obstacle to further economic success — is borne
out in the literature. Steps to stabilize and strengthen such
markets and related institutions can thus be expected to yield
significant benefits in terms of ultimate economic performance.
III. The Value of Government Support
If a robust financial system is critical to economic development,
and if moral hazard serves to damage the financial infrastructure,
why not eliminate government protection of depositors? In other
words, why not clean up the incentives and achieve enhanced
market discipline? Where explicit insurance coverage does not
exist currently, it could be made clear that, as a matter of public
policy, losses from banking failures will be borne by depositors
and other creditors. Admittedly, this reform would be more difficult
to accomplish where there are explicit guarantees or well
established precedents in place, but extended lead times could be
a vehicle for smoothing the necessary adjustments in such
circumstances.
Nevertheless, this is not a policy I would advocate, because
commercial banks remain, in a very real sense, special. Banks,
after all, offer liabilities payable on demand at par but hold a wide
range of assets with diverse maturities, degrees of liquidity, and
credit quality. Cognizant of these features and recognizing their
informational disadvantage relative to bank management,
depositors have an incentive to run the bank when other
depositors do or if the bank is perceived, rightly or not, to be in
financial difficulty.
Unable to distinguish between weak and strong institutions, and
observing others making withdrawals, depositors run the banking
system in general, creating a banking panic. Making the
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distinction between banks of different calibre can be difficult
because of the heterogeneity of bank assets, as noted. In turn,
evaluation of assets may be particularly challenging in countries
with inadequate legal, regulatory, and accounting standards,
where the market has yet to develop third party firms that
specialize in credit evaluation, and where the populace is not
used to having funds at risk. Some of these characteristics
obviously apply in Asia and other areas with rapidly developing
economies.
Indeed, one of the errors that seems to have frequently
characterized financial system policy in developing economies is
that liberalization has occurred before effective regulatory and
supervisory controls were established and appropriate accounting
and disclosure requirements in place, and before market
discipline was effective in containing excessive risk taking.
Financial liberalization under these circumstances is poor public
policy (and is not unique to developing economies, by the way)
and almost inevitably leads to trouble.
In any event, the answer to the question posed earlier — namely,
why not eliminate government protection of depositors? — is,
then, that excessive instability would result. We need to recognize
that in the US, deposit insurance backed by the government has
in fact produced an extended period without a banking panic,
albeit at significant cost in terms of moral hazard. In contrast,
privatization options, say a private deposit insurance company or
a self-insurance scheme lacking the credit quality of the US
government, may not be successful in preventing panics because
they could be subject to the same disadvantages, and risk of loss,
as depositors.
Finally, a policy of simply ruling out protection of depositors and
other creditors, in all circumstances, may not reduce moral hazard
effectively because such a stance would likely lack credibility.
There may in fact be occasions when the size of the failing
institution is such that its downfall could lead to severe spillovers
throughout the financial system and, ultimately, the real economy.
Government intervention in such a case could well pass a
cost/benefit test. Further, market participants in countries which
have a long history of government intervention in many facets of
the economy are not likely to believe statements of
nonintervention, and thus are not likely to increase market
discipline of financial institutions, no matter what the authorities
say.
IV. Addressing Instability and Moral Hazard
The challenge to policymakers in this arena is to balance two
competing objectives, namely banking system stability and the
cost of moral hazard. There is clearly a tradeoff here: stability can
be achieved at the expense of high moral hazard costs, or moral
hazard can be eliminated at the cost of instability. But how can the
two be reconciled?
As it turns out, this is a question to which several of us at the
Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis have given considerable
thought over the years. Our suggestions build on the institutional,
legislative, and regulatory framework of the U.S. but we believe
that several principles with broad applicability emerge.
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There are three key features of our plan to limit the probability of
banking panics and the size of the moral hazard problem:
1. The reforms of FDICIA — the Federal Deposit Insurance
Corporation Improvement Act (of 1991) — designed to reduce
excessive risk taking by insured institutions should be
retained. These reforms include risk based deposit insurance
premia, risk based capital standards, and prompt corrective
action with regard to institutions whose capital becomes
impaired. While FDICIA is not perfect, it does effectively
establish a framework for having higher risk institutions pay
higher premia and hold more capital, and for closing banks as
they approach, but before they reach, insolvency.
2. The current level of explicit deposit insurance coverage would
be maintained, although it would be limited to one account
per social security number. The implication of this provision is
that small depositors would be protected.
3. Market discipline would be enhanced by convincing formally
uninsured depositors that they will necessarily bear some loss
in a failed bank situation. Essentially, we have in mind a
coinsurance provision which would be added to the initial
FDICIA reforms.
More specifically, FDICIA requires a series of steps before too-
big-to-fail rescues of institutions can occur. These are that: (1) the
Secretary of Treasury must find that least cost resolution would
“have serious adverse effects on economic conditions and
financial stability” and that the provision of extra legal insurance
coverage would “avoid or mitigate such adverse effects.” (2) The
Treasury Secretary must consult with the President in making this
determination. (3) Two-thirds of the governors of the Federal
Reserve System and two-thirds of the directors of the FDIC must
approve the coverage. Under our proposal, the FDICIA legislation
would be amended so that uninsured depositors would take a
limited but meaningful loss (say, perhaps, 20 percent of the
uninsured portion of their deposit) when a too-big-to-fail rescue
occurs, pending, of course, the ultimate disposition of the assets
of the failed institution. It is obviously crucial that market discipline
be introduced carefully, because losses that proved excessively
disruptive would doom such a policy.
We see several advantages to this proposal, taken in its entirety.
As noted above, small depositors remain protected (and can,
therefore, sleep comfortably). Secondly, the approach builds on
FDICIA, legislation in place and with an established degree of
credibility. What is added is codification of the loss of the
uninsured depositors. In this sense, the government says what it
means and means what it says. Third, the loss imposed on
uninsured depositors limits spillovers and, therefore, should not
add materially to the probability of banking panics, yet it is
sufficiently meaningful so that depositors have significant
incentive to gather and assess information about banks and,
perhaps, to diversify more than otherwise. Under this proposal,
we would expect the market for information about the financial
condition of banks to broaden and deepen over time. We would
also note that the size of the loss imposed on uninsured
depositors could be adjusted over time, so disruption could be
contained by starting at a low level.
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V. Summary and Conclusion
Institutional settings obviously differ significantly from country to
country, and thus the specifics of FDICIA and the coinsurance
proposal may have limited relevance outside the US
Nevertheless, both historically and prospectively, banking systems
are subject to crises, and policies to reduce the probability of
crises are frequently quite costly in their own right because of
excessive risk taking resulting from moral hazard.
We are not aware of a solution to this dilemma. Nevertheless,
there are, we believe, several principles, gleaned largely from US
experience, with universal applicability in managing the tradeoff
between instability and moral hazard. The first of these principles
is that the regulatory, accounting, legal, and other infrastructures
governing banks should be well established before such
institutions are granted the authority to engage in a wide range of
financial activities. Liberalization of banking and the financial
system more generally before the appropriate infrastructure is in
place and tested is tantamount to putting the cart before the
horse, a recipe for disaster.
Second, incentives in favor of market discipline are essential to
contain the moral hazard problem. As we see it, market discipline
is a complement to regulation and supervision of banks and not a
substitute for them. But we have ample experience to suggest that
supervision alone is incapable of adequate restraint of moral
hazard. And finally, the government's policy of support for the
creditors of a failed bank should be explicit and in legislation. As
we have suggested, such a step, if carefully crafted, can enhance
market discipline and limit potentially disruptive spillover effects
while, at the same time, adding to the government's credibility.
Thank you.
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Cite this document
APA
E. Gerald Corrigan (1997, September 14). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19970915_e_gerald_corrigan
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19970915_e_gerald_corrigan,
author = {E. Gerald Corrigan},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1997},
month = {Sep},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19970915_e_gerald_corrigan},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}