speeches · October 21, 1993
Regional President Speech
William J. McDonough · President
· t. ou·
Remarks by
William J. McDonough, President
Federal Reserve Bank of New York
DEC . t 1 3
The Japan Society
New York, New York
October 22, 1993
U. S .. -Japan Relations
It is a great pleasure to be here today with so
many old friends in such handsome surroundings. In
meetings over the past two days, this conference has
covered in some depth a great many of the most critical
issues facing the U.S. and the Japanese economies. It has
explored the nature of our countries' mutual interests in
bankin•g, · securities, and· related financial markets. .Jt has
had a lo_ok at issues raised by the ways in which both our
econ9mies function-. in a global and regional context.- And
it has nqt lost sight of the macroeconomic and regulatory
environment in which our two economies pl_ay major roles.
, •• ,.,-:,t'
What I would like tb do, therefore, is to stand
back and examine with you some ·o'f the reasons why I believe
the U.S.-Japan economic and fina~cial nexus is so critical
and why I attach so much importance to continuing the
superb relationship -we at the Federal Reserve Bank .of New
York···have enjoyed over the years ·with our counterparts in
the Bank of _Ja.pan.
_. .. ;:_
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I go back a long way in my interest in Japan--to
my days in the Navy in 1959 when I first visited the
country. I have, in fact, spent much of my professional
life working in one way or another with Japanese financial
institutions. In the late 1970s, I had the good fortune to
serve as chairman of the University of Chicago's Center for
Far Eastern Studies.
As President of the Federal Reserve Bank of New
York, I again have an opportunity to contribute actively to
deepening U.S.-Japan relations, this time in an official
capacity. My involvement focuses on the cooperative
efforts which characterize relations among central banks.
While these cooperative efforts have many dimensions, they
take their most tangible form in the coordinated operations
undertaken in the foreign exchange markets.
As you know, the Federal Reserve Bank of New York
operates in the foreign exchange markets on behalf of both
the Federal Reserve System and the United States Treasury
Department. At the same time, we act as agents for foreign
central banks in these markets. In the course of our daily
work, we routinely confer with our colleagues around the
world. Our ties with our counterparts in the Bank of Japan
are among our closest. I certainly don't have to
underscore to this group the nature or importance of the
dollar/yen relationship.
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But much more than the foreign exchange markets
bind the Japanese and U.S. economies together. We are all
well aware of the trade linkages that have engaged our two
economies for decades. Japan currently accounts for almost
18 percent of U.S. merchandise imports, while the U.S.
accounts for about 20 percent of Japan's merchandise
imports.
These market shares, however, although roughly
equivalent, apply to markets of rather different size,
resulting in the chronic imbalance that has characterized
our two countries' bilateral trade position over the past
decade. The fact is that for sometime now--the past ten
years to be exact--the U.S. has run, on average, a
$45 billion annual merchandise trade deficit with Japan.
Last year the deficit reached $50 billion.
Why have these imbalances been so persistent and
are they sustainable? The answers to these questions are
not simple. Even very large swings in exchange rates have
not qualitatively altered the problem. Such persistence
suggests that fundamentally the trade imbalance is rooted
in the different structures of our two economies and the
different traditions of our people. In particular, I
cannot help but cite the high savings rate in Japan
compared with that in the United States.
While our two countries have had their share of
differences over the years when it comes to trading issues,
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there is no denying the importance each of us attaches to
access to the other's markets. Our two economies are
simply too large and too important for each of us to strive
for anything less than full and free access, over time, and
sooner rather than later.
I would be remiss in failing to cite the
considerable efforts our countries have undertaken--and
continue to undertake--to seek mutually acceptable
solutions to overcoming obstacles we face in achieving that
goal. For example, the Clinton administration places a
very high priority on the successful outcome of the
Framework agreements announced in July by our two
countries.
Under these agreements, our two countries have
pledged to undertake bilateral talks on market
liberalization in five principal areas over the next six to
twelve months. The areas covered include: 1) increasing
Japanese government purchases of foreign computers,
supercomputers, satellites, medical technology, and
telecommunications; 2) expanding trade in such sectors as
autos and auto parts; 3) seeking reform of Japan's
regulated industries, including insurance and other
financial services; 4) harmonizing foreign direct
investment and access to technology in both countries; and
5) implementing and monitoring existing U.S.-Japan trade
agreements.
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In terms of market access, the Framework
agreements contain no specific numerical goals for
increasing Japanese imports. Under discussion, however,
are various ways for the two countries to evaluate progress
in measuring market access and encouraging Japan to reduce
its overall trade surplus.
The linkages between our two economies in trade,
of course, have their financial counterparts, and each
country has, particularly over the past decade,
significantly increased its presence in the other's
financial markets. Today, both our countries hold
substantial stakes in each other's economies and financial
well-being.
Japanese official institutions and private
creditors, for example, hold roughly 25 percent of all
foreign-held U.S. government debt and about 3.5 percent of
total U.S. government debt. These figures, I should note,
take account only of direct sales to Japan. They do not
account for sales of U.S. government debt through third
countries, such as might take place in London and the
Euromarkets.
Both countries actively participate in each
other's equity markets. Moreover, U.S. and Japanese
securities firms seem to have roughly equal representation
in each other's markets, although this assessment may not
take full account of some of Japan's acquisitions of and
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minority investments in U.S. securities firms in the late
1980s. In terms of foreign direct investment, however,
Japan, which had holdings of some $100 billion in the U.S.
at the end of 1992, has invested far more in the U.S. than
the roughly $26 billion the U.S. has invested in Japan.
As to our banking relationships, it is clear that
the presence of Japanese banks in the U.S. markets is far
more dominant than the presence of U.S. banks in Japan's
markets. By the end of 1992, for example, Japanese bank
branches, agencies, and subsidiaries in the U.S. accounted
for about $100 billion in commercial and industrial loans,
equivalent to roughly 17 percent of all such loans and a
dramatic increase from the 5.5 percent share these
institutions held in 1985. In aggregate, Japanese banks in
the U.S. held some $400 billion in assets by the end of
1992 at the same time as U.S. banks in Japan held only
abou~ $70 billion in assets, not a very large market share
by any measure.
The dramatic increase in the presence of Japanese
banks in the U.S. markets over the past decade has taken·
place in a broader context of an overall explosive growth
of Japanese banks in the international markets. This
growth has been driven by such macroeconomic considerations
as Japan's expanding role as an international trading and
investing country and net changes in dollar exchange rates.
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At the same time, however, changes are taking
place in the nature of our financial relationships. Some
of these changes can be traced to the falloff in Japan's
equity markets beginning in the spring of 1990 and the
piercing of the Japanese real estate bubble at about the
same time.
The loss of wealth stemming from these
developments has obliged Japanese banks, which have held
significant equity stakes in industrial companies for some
time, to slow the growth of their balance sheets, in some
cases rather dramatically. (Today, limitations on Japanese
banks equity investments in industrial companies are very
similar to those prevailing in the United States.) The
shrinkage in their balance sheets has inevitably begun to
alter the dominant role these banks have played over the
past decade in intermediating credit worldwide.
U.S. banks, by contrast, have begun to see their
profit margins grow over the past two years, as they reap
the benefits of a low interest-rate environment and
measures taken to control expenses in the wake of the LDC
debt crisis and the falloff in real estate values. U.S.
banks today have improved their capital ratios, diversified
their earnings, and are working off their problem loans.
Overall, they are looking better than they have in many
years.
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Finally, the financial linkages between our two
economies embrace our macroeconomic relationships as well.
In these relationships, both our countries have much work
ahead of us.
The Japanese economy currently is in recession,
largely reflecting declines in private investment and net
exports, despite growth in the first quarter. With
domestic demand weak, import growth has slowed, and the
current account surplus has widened, inviting pressures for
protection and acting as a drag on world growth.
The Japanese government's announcement on
September 16 of a new expenditure package of some
6 trillion yen, coupled with the fiscal stimulus measures
put in place earlier in the year and the cut in the
official discount rate on September 21, can be expected to
support the resumption of modest growth next year.
Inflation continues to be subdued.
In the U.S., I am pleased to say, we have finally
begun to address our fiscal imbalance. There will,
however, be a health plan for next year which will have to
be financed in a credible way so as to avoid hemorrhaging
on the fiscal front.
Our efforts to reduce our fiscal deficit have
been aided by low inflation, the outlook for which remains
reasonably good. Long-term interest rates have finally
come down and are now at their lowest levels in nominal
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terms in roughly two decades. While growth has been more
sluggish than we might have hoped for, the benefits
provided by the declines in long-term interest rates have
made possible record refinancings in our bond and mortgage
markets, lowering costs for a wide spectrum of borrowers,
including state and local governments as well as
households, and leading to a recent pickup in housing.
Like a number of other industrial countries, but
excluding Japan, the U.S. has reached the point at which
the level of its public sector debt and its persistently
large budget deficit are such that fiscal policy is no
longer available as a tool of macroeconomic policy. If
fiscal policy is unavailable to address some of the social
needs that now confront so many of our economies, inflation
must remain under control, largely because of its
regressive tax aspects. Therefore, in the current
environment, price stability is critical not only for the
classic reasons but also because it takes on a social
importance as well.
This brings me to my last point and that has to
do with the structural problems the U.S. and the Japanese
economies face. As mature industrial societies, our
countries share a number of problems in common having to do
with such issues as care for the elderly, health benefits
for all our citizens, investment in education, and
attention to the environment. The success we have in
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addressing these problems will affect our ability to
compete and prosper in the next century. In the United
States we are just beginning to deal with these issues. In
Japan, there are signs of change beginning to take hold,
including the possibility of more flexibility in labor
practices.
As both our countries begin to improve the
efficiency of our economies and the welfare of our
citizens, I believe it is absolutely critical that we, as
the two wealthiest economies in the world today, work
together in making choices that may--more often than we
might like--be politically difficult. In my view, our
common goals are so obvious we simply cannot afford to
allow our cooperation to lapse or to permit ourselves the
luxury of tending single-mindedly to our own gardens. We
each share major responsibility for the future of the
global economy in which we live and I, for one, welcome the
opportunity to work together with my counterparts in the
Bank of Japan and elsewhere in the government to contr~bute
however I can to further the goals of our mutual interests
and concerns.
Thank you.
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Cite this document
APA
William J. McDonough (1993, October 21). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19931022_william_j_mcdonough
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19931022_william_j_mcdonough,
author = {William J. McDonough},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1993},
month = {Oct},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19931022_william_j_mcdonough},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}