speeches · March 9, 1993
Regional President Speech
Silas Keehn · President
For release on delivery
10:00 a.m. EDT
March 10, 1993
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
"Testimony on the Economic Conditions in the
Seventh Federal Reserve District"
Remarks of
Silas Keehn
President, Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago
Before the United States Senate Committee on
Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs
March 10, 1993
Washington, D.C.
1
Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee
I am pleased to be here today to discuss economic conditions in the Seventh Federal
Reserve District and to comment on my views on monetary policy. The Seventh
District, which includes all of the state of Iowa and most of the states of Illinois, Indiana,
Michigan and Wisconsin, is an economically large, important and diverse region which
both reflects and drives a substantial portion of the U.S. economy.
By any measure, the District ranks as a major economic force and therefore, conditions
in the District directly influence my views regarding monetary policy. And in turn,
monetary policy actions have an important impact on economic activity in our District.
The five District states account for about 14 percent of the nation's GDP and 18 percent
of U.S. manufacturing employment. The District produces 45 percent of the nation's
automobiles, 30 percent of the trucks, 38 percent of the nation's steel and more than 40
percent of the country's farm machinery. Farmers in the Seventh District account for
nearly a fifth of the nation's annual sales of farm commodities and half of the corn,
soybeans and pork produced nationwide. The District is the headquarters of some of
the largest firms in the U.S. in manufacturing, retailing and financial services.
Given its size and diversity, it is not surprising that the District mirrors the economic
challenges and opportunities in the U.S. economy as a whole. Consequently the
District, as the nation, has been experiencing significant difficulties in maintaining an
adequate rate of real growth. District performance has improved but the pace of
improvement continues to be impeded by further financial and industrial restructuring.
Monetary policy requires two things above all, a solid assessment of where we are and
a sure sense of where we should be going. Both of these questions require contact with
businesses and individuals and cannot be derived solely from statistics and theory.
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While our Bank follows the publicly released data very carefully, we rely very heavily on
information sources and contacts within the District to determine current and
prospective conditions so important to the development of the appropriate monetary
policy to deal with changing economic circumstances. It was only by maintaining close
contact with our District that it has been possible to go beyond the economic statistics to
an understanding of what has really been going on in the District's economy and in the
nation as a whole.
The Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago is deeply involved in monitoring and analyzing
economic developments in the District on an ongoing basis with a variety of fact finding
initiatives. In addition to the very valuable input from our boards of Directors in Chicago
and Detroit, we have set up a network of advisory and contact groups. The Reserve
Bank assembles regional data to provide a quantitative base for regional analysis,
drawing from government sources and business in the District and we have developed
our own measures, such as the Midwest Manufacturing Index, to track District economic
activity. Some years ago we formed Small Business and Agricultural Advisory Councils
to obtain continuing and very important input from these large sectors of our economy.
In addition, the Bank has established a network of Industrial Roundtables to provide
information about emerging business conditions. Industrial Roundtables now meet in
Chicago, Detroit, Milwaukee, Grand Rapids and Kalamazoo. The Detroit and Chicago
groups include corporate economists from some of the largest companies in the District.
The Milwaukee and western Michigan groups include Chief Financial Officers and
corporate planners from the diverse and important companies located in these areas. In
addition, the Roundtables include contacts whose businesses are leading indicators of
economic activity throughout the District. These Roundtables are a direct link to some
100 companies and trade associations in the District and provide timely insight into
current conditions and emerging market trends. By integrating economic data with
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direct corporate and small business contacts, we are able to make a comprehensive
analysis of the economic trends and current conditions in the District and from that
develop a factual basis for my recommendations on monetary policy.
In addition to our formal roundtables, the Bank works together with those public sector
and quasi-public groups that are struggling to revitalize the region's economy.
Collaborations with the Wisconsin Strategic Development Commission, the Iowa
Business Council, the Commercial Club of Chicago, and the Council of Great Lakes
Industries are examples of organizations working to rebuild the District economy. Such
efforts yield a lasting return to us. Through our personal participation, we establish a
relationship of trust and open important avenues of communication with other analysts
of areas within the region that enhances our knowledge of issues important to our
District.
The diversification of our sources of information in the District helps to insure that we do
not overlook any emerging sectors of economic activity and problems that broad
national statistics can overlook.
District Overview
The Seventh Federal Reserve District is situated in the heart of the Midwest, straddling
the agricultural plains toward the west, and encompassing a large part of the nation's
heavy manufacturing belt which begins further to the east. With a population that
accounts for 13.6 percent of the nation, our District includes the entire state of Iowa
along with the most populous and urbanized portions of Michigan, Illinois, Wisconsin,
and Indiana. Accordingly, while we are headquartered in Chicago, we maintain a
branch office in Detroit, and regional offices in Des Moines, Indianapolis, and
Milwaukee.
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Many of the District's large urbanized areas now specialize in the business of providing
services--business, personal, financial, and wholesale and retail services. Overall,
however, our part of the Midwest currently and historically can be characterized as a
producer and mover of goods--both natural resource oriented such as farm goods, as
well as manufactured goods. Nearly a fifth of the nation's $170 billion in annual sales of
farm commodities is generated by farmers in District states, mostly owing to its
dominant positions in corn, soybeans, dairy, and hogs. In manufacturing, the District
states' account for over one-sixth of the nation's output. Land-based transportation
equipment, electrical equipment, primary metals, machinery and food processing are
the mainstays of the economy.
Figure 1
The Seventh Federal Reserve District
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Table 1
Seventh District dimensions
Population (000's)
Percent of U.S.
11,430.6
5,544.2
2,776.8
9,295.3
4,891.8
28,695.3
Illinois
Indiana
Iowa
Michigan
Wisconsin
District Total
4.6
2.2
1.1
3.7
2.0
13.6
Employment (000's)
Percent of U.S.
6,349.0
3,062.5
1,626.1
4,728.8
2,808.7
18,575.2
Illinois
Indiana
Iowa
Michigan
Wisconsin
District Total
4.6
2.2
1.2
3.4
2.0
13.5
Land Area (000 sq. miles)
Percent of U.S.
144.0
92.9
144.7
147.1
140.7
669.4
Illinois
Indiana
Iowa
Michigan
Wisconsin
District Total
1.6
1.0
1.6
1.6
1.5
7.3
Table 2
Gross state product
Percent of total
Seventh
District
IL
IN
IA
Ml
Farm
Mining
Construction
Manufacturing
Durables
Nondurables
Transportation and
public utilities
Wholesale trade
1.9
0.6
4.7
19.9
10.7
9.1
2.5
0.6
5.0
28.9
20.0
8.9
8.8
0.2
3.4
21.7
12.0
9.6
1.3
0.6
3.8
27.4
20.7
6.7
3.8
0.1
3.5
27.7
15.8
11.9
2.6
0.5
4.2
24.4
15.6
8.9
2.2
1.6
4.8
18.7
10.5
8.2
10.1
8.0
9.5
5.4
7.9
6.4
6.8
6.2
7.5
5.9
8.6
6.7
8.9
6.6
Retail trade
Finance, insurance,
and real estate
Services
Government
9.0
10.0
8.7
9.4
8.9
9.2
9.4
17.4
19.4
14.8
14.2
18.1
14.8
10.0
100.0
16.8
17.2
10.0
100.0
17.4
15.2
10.0
100.0
16.9
17.1
__M
100.0
17.4
18.8
11.7
100.0
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_JLQ
_JLQ
100.0
100.0
WI
U.S.
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However useful as an initial characterization, such generalizations belie the very broad
diversity of locales and industries in the Seventh District. Today, I would like to share
with you the diverse richness of economic activity among sub-regions and industries
within the Seventh District by drawing not only on our own analysis and public data sets
but also from a wide network of personal contacts with organizations in the region.
The Seventh District economy emerged from the decade of the 1980s in far better
shape than most analysts expected. Its image as part of the nation's collapsing
"rustbelt" has been replaced by an emerging image as the center of lean and agile
manufacturing. That is not to say that the District's economy has not shared the
frustration of a sub-par recovery nationally or that it has been immune from the
economic hardships of the recession or the corporate restructurings that have swept the
nation. GM's announced plans to close 28 plants over the next three years--roughly half
of them in the Seventh District--is a key example; Sears, Ameritech, Dow Chemical, and
UAL are among other notable examples of Seventh District corporations undergoing
dramatic adjustments in the face of changing markets and competitive pressures.
In addition to upheaval among such corporate entities, there is a striking diversity of
conditions among towns and metro areas within our Seventh District. Locations such as
Flint, Peoria, Rockford, Detroit, and Chicago continue to search for answers and
solutions to disappearing jobs and income, even while national attention focuses on the
entire region's turnaround.
In the early 1980s, firms such as Caterpillar, Cummins Engine, and Whirlpool, faced
formidable challenges. Many companies made the necessary adjustments in the
1980s, while others are still making these adjustments.
But the success stories are far from universal. Well-meaning and well-directed efforts to
restructure have been to no avail for many small businesses and family farms, and for
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many large corporations that have gone out of existence. Similarly, there is parallel
diversity in locational well-being and revival for those towns that have grown up around
large specialized industries. Some can succeed, such as Indianapolis and Des Moines,
by redefining and reinventing themselves (e.g., Indianapolis as a center of sportsoriented tourism, business services, and retail trade). Others however, despite their
best efforts at "diversifying" (e.g. Flint) have thus far made less progress confronted by
• external forces and events. It is an accurate statement that the Seventh District has
been through an enormous and very fundamental change. And in this tremendous
diversity of experience, not every region or industry has come through intact.
The Seventh District is no stranger to adversity. In particular, the region has long
needed to adapt to the cyclical nature of its economy. Moreover, even when its
industries are successful in becoming competitive, the process itself leaves significant
challenges and opportunities in its wake. Goods producing industries including farm
and factory have continually boosted productivity by economizing on the number of jobs.
In the U.S. alone, manufacturing jobs as a share of the total payroll labor force have
declined from 30 to 17 percent from 1963 to 1992 even while the sector's share of real
national output has remained roughly constant. Such labor dislocation is an amplified
problem for regions which are concentrated in manufacturing such as the Seventh
District. The District's manufacturing share of total payroll jobs declined from 37 percent
to 21 percent over the same period. Recent management strategies by firms to improve
their competitiveness by labor saving cost attrition and mass layoffs have added to this
problem.
The imbalances in the Seventh District's economic base are also reflected in the
response of local institutions--banks and governments. Governments have the task of
making the investments in the future of the region--infrastructure and education.
However, weakness in the underlying economic base can place a region in a vicious
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cycle. The vicious cycle of economic shock, followed by inability to fund social services
and public re-investment, is further aggravated. In recent years, weak growth in
revenues, coupled with fiscal strains from Medicaid and prison expenditures, have
squeezed out budget items such as economic development and higher education in
District states. In the Seventh District, responsibilities for service provision fall to a
much higher degree at the local level of government. As a result, wide dispairities in
economic conditions among local communities means that local plant closings, for
example, will carry over strongly to the fiscal health of local governments.
Lending institutions share a similar fate. In the early 1980s, the balance sheets of
Seventh District banks were weakened by the region's weakening economy. Banks
have been restructuring, although problems remain. As in other areas of the country,
bank lending slowed sharply in the early 1990s. The safety and soundness of Seventh
District banks are being strengthened by the ongoing process of consolidation as
earnings, capital ratios, and asset quality issues have all shown important signs of
improvement. The impetus is not being undertaken by money center and other larger
banks in Chicago, however, but by large regional banks headquartered outside of
Chicago and, in some cases, outside the District.
The 1980s--a time of difficult transition
Much of the Seventh District was characterized as the "rustbelt" of the nation in the
early 1980s. Weak firms either failed or relocated to lower cost regions, and inefficient
plants were closed or downsized. Indeed, the District lost nearly 1.5 million jobs during
the recessionary period of 1980-82, mostly in its manufacturing sector, while the nation
lost about 2 million altogether. To be sure, many of these job losses were from
cyclically sensitive industries that were able to recall workers during the vigorous
recovery that followed. But, many jobs were also linked to structural changes that had
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been adversely impacting the District since at least the mid-1960s. Such jobs would
never return, creating a large pool of structurally unemployed workers and aboveaverage unemployment rates in many metropolitan areas of the District. The region's
standard of living, as reflected by per capita income, declined in relation to the overall
U.S. during this period.
Figure 2
Non-agricultural employment
Quarterly, seasonally adjusted, index 197901=100
1301- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 125
120
115
110
10
100 .Jll!l'~~~---
IL
95
IA
90
85
80 9
Ml
80
81
82
83
84
85
86
8
88
Figure 3
Seventh District per capita income relative to the U.S.
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□ 1979~ 1991
IL
IN
IA
Ml
WI
89
90
91
92
10
Why was the District impacted so heavily during the 1980s? Why did it need to
restructure so profoundly? The problems of the 1980s were to be found in both the
District's mix of industries and also its competitive advantage. Unfavorable industry mix
presented a formidable challenge to the District during this period. Fortunately, due to
changes in the external environment, the District's current industry mix has since
become more favorable than many other U.S. regions, as the nation is winding down
from its cold-war emphasis. The early 1980s favored regions that produced high tech
defense and aerospace equipment. At the same time, heavy U.S. investment in newly
emerging high tech office equipment such as micro and personal computers contributed
to a shifting of demand away from the District's manufacturing sector.
Figure 4
Non-agricultural employment
Monthly, seasonally adjusted, index January 1990=100
103.0....------------------------.
102.5
102.0
101.5
101.0
99.
99.
US LESS DISTRICT
Part of the problem of the 1980s was also the external environment for exports, which
was partly due to the dollar's climb of 85 percent between 1980 and 1985. As illustrated
by unit labor costs over this period, the value of the dollar had the effect of raising world
prices of U.S. exports.
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Figure 5
U.S. competitiveness
Index of "relative unit labor costs" valued in dollars, in manufacturing, 1980 = 100
Taiwan
'80
'85
The unfavorable exchange rate environment for exports aggravated an underlying
competitive trade problem for District industry. Many District firms were disadvantaged
in foreign markets by their use of outmoded technologies. The competitive shocks of
the early 1980s jolted many District firms into recognizing the need to reorganize, reinvest in new technologies, and to restructure their operations.
The Auto Industry
The auto industry is perhaps the most vivid example of the combination of cyclical and
structural forces that were impacting the District in the early 1980s. Ford and Chrysler
were the first to begin the arduous process of downsizing to adjust to changing market
forces. In the early 1980s, Chrysler was already in the midst of a government-backed
rescue effort. Four Chrysler facilities were closed, all within the Seventh District. Ford
closed another five plants, but these facilities were outside the District. In the late
1980s, GM began closing plants in Detroit, Pontiac, and Flint. In all, Big Three auto
producers cut assembly plant capacity by about 2.5 million units (roughly 20 percent)
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between 1985 and 1992. To be sure, offsets occurred with the building of transplants in
the District, including Diamond-Star in Bloomington, Illinois, and Mazda's plant in Flat
Rock, Michigan. But in Michigan alone, an estimated 70,000 jobs were lost as a result
of auto plant closings even before the 1990-91 recession (between 1987 and 1990),
with another 40,000-50,000 job eliminations to be realized as recently-announced plant
closings take place.
Figure 6
Location of auto assembly plants -- 1991
Canada
•
•
• Domestic
oJoint
• Transplant
The Agricultural Industry
The downturn of the 1980s began early in the decade for agriculture and ended around
1986. A number of developments during the first half of the 1980s caused farm
earnings and the income return on farm assets to plummet. The combination of lower
earnings, higher long-term interest rates, and shrinking exports of that time period
contributed to a sharp decline in farmland values and huge equity losses for owners of
farm real estate. Estimates by the U.S. Department of Agriculture show that the peakto-trough decline in the average per acre value of farmland nationwide was more than a
fourth in nominal dollar terms and nearly 45 percent in real dollar terms. The declines
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were especially steep in the Seventh Federal Reserve District. Reflecting this, our land
value surveys showed the declines in farmland values in Illinois, Indiana, and Iowa
ranged from 50 to 60 percent in nominal dollar terms and 60 to 70 percent in real terms.
With farmland accounting for three-fourths of all assets in the farm sector, the weakness
in the land market translated into equity losses of 30 percent in the balance sheet of the
farm sector nationwide and 50 to 60 percent (nominal dollar terms) in Illinois, Indiana,
and Iowa.
The combination of low earnings and sinking asset values quickly extended the farm
problems of the early-to-mid 1980s to lenders and most of the agri-business industries
that support this nation's vast agricultural production plant. It has been estimated that
lenders wrote-off some $20 billion in bad farm loans as a result of the experiences of the
1980s. From 1984 to 1987 banks nationwide wrote-off $4 billion in nonreal estate farm
loans. About $1.1 billion of that write-off was by banks in states comprising the Seventh
Federal Reserve District. Further evidence of the spreading problems of the 1980s is
reflected in the cutback in capital expenditures by farmers. At the trough in 1986,
capital expenditures in the farm sector fell to less than $8.5 billion, down from the
speculative excesses that peaked at $20 billion in 1979.
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Figure 7
The swings in U.S. agriculture over the last two decades
Billions of dollars
Agricultural exports
45...-------------------------------,
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
s:............
o.......- ...
2 - -....4......- ....6......- ....a-.--"Tao--a-.-2-.--....
84-..--....
a6-..--....aa-....---9...o--....-9......
2
Farm asset values
140u-r------------------------------,
--
92
Farm capital expenditures
22-.---------------------------------,
20
18
16
14
12
10
8
6
4
; ,- -
--
-✓
~
~
,, ...... ... _
"'\.
--~' ' -
'..
~
... -- - ...... ~
;
Tractors & other farm~adlinery & equipment
/
2.......,.---~--..--r--,--.---~--..--r--...--,--,---,---,,--""T"""----.--r--...--,r--""T"""----.--r--"""T"""'
0
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4
6
8
80
82
84
86
88
90
92
15
Profiles in Diversity
Although the Seventh District can be broadly characterized by its farming and
manufacturing, the region hosts a great diversity of industries and local economies.
These places and industries are closely tied together. Changing conditions in individual
sectors and geographic areas. have rippled throughout the Seventh District.
Industrial diversity
Despite all the stress and strain on the Seventh District's economy in the 1980s, the
process of adjustment has been slow. To be sure, the early 1980s were only part of a
long-term readjustment of the District's role in the national economy. From 1964 to
1991, the District's share of total U.S. employment declined from 16 percent to 14
percent, while manufacturing employment declined from 20 to 16 percent in 1982 before
rising to 18 percent by the end of the decade. Still, the District's share--one sixth of the
national economy--represents a sizeable influence. And, despite a decline in the role of
the District's manufacturing sector in the national economy, it's manufacturing sector
remains the defining characteristic of the District's economy, accounting for about 25
percent of District employment (down from 30 percent in 1980). The nation on average
devotes about 17 percent of its employment to manufacturing (also down from 24
percent in 1980). And within manufacturing, it is the auto-steel-machine tool nexus that
dominates economic activity. In general terms, the District is responsible for producing
about 45 percent of the nation's cars, 30 percent of its trucks, and 38 percent of its steel
(including the bulk of the higher quality specialty steels). The Seventh District also
supports a thriving service sector primarily focused on the financial and business needs
of its manufacturing sector, while the Chicago's Board of Trade and Mercantile
Exchange serve global commodity and financial markets. However, while the District's
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economy has been diversifying away from manufacturing, it is likely to remain the core
sector of the region's economy for some time into the future.
Still, there is considerable diversity among the different sub-regions that comprise the
Seventh District. For example, Illinois is a major capital goods producer, particularly of
farm and off-highway equipment. Deere & Company and Caterpillar are major
producers in these markets. Indiana is a center for steel production and auto parts
suppliers. Inland Steel and Cummins Engine are world leaders in these markets.
Wisconsin is another major supplier of auto parts and particularly a supplier of machine
tools for the auto industry. Modine and Giddings & Lewis are examples of these types
of firms. Michigan is closely linked to the auto industry and is the headquarters for the
Big Three.
Machine Tool Industry
The machine tool industry in the Seventh District is heavily geared toward the auto
industry, either directly for model design retooling of the auto industry or indirectly for
the supplier industries. The District contains almost half (43 percent) of all metal cutting
machine tool producers and 35 percent of all metal forming machine tool producers in
the U.S. Michigan alone employs about 15 percent of all workers in the machine tool
industry, second only to Ohio (about 20 percent). Illinois employs slightly over 25
percent of the workers in the metal forming machine tool industry. However, it should
be noted that employment in the industry has declined from a peak of 108,000 in 1980
to 73,000 in 1989 and the number of companies has declined, often through
consolidation, from over 1400 to 624. In terms of market, the District constitutes about
22 percent of all machine tools in use today, with the greater Chicago area accounting
for half of that market. In 1989, the U.S. exported about $1 billion worth of machine
tools, but imported nearly $2.5 billion (about half of which came from Japan). Imports
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have risen from about 20 percent of total U.S. machine tool consumption in 1979 to 50
percent of the market today. Finally, between 1968 and 1989, productivity of machine
tools has more than doubled (using U.S. average annual output per metal cutting
machine tool in constant dollars as the measure), greatly restricting the growth in the
market for these machines. After three years of declining shipments, industry forecasts
call for an 8 percent increase in 1993, with exports up 5 percent and imports down 7
percent.
Figure 8
Machine tool productivity
U.S. average annual output per metalcutting machine tool
Constant 1982 dollars
1968
73
78
83
89
Source: American Machinist and U.S. Depanment of Commerce.
Construction Machinery
Another key area of capital goods production in the Seventh District is construction
machinery. For example, Caterpillar, Deere, and Case (all headquartered in the District)
are the dominant producers in the U.S., with mainly Hitachi and Komatsu as major
competitors. Caterpillar alone accounts for 45-50 percent of the sales of crawler loaders
and tractors in the U.S. and Deere and Case add another 25-30 percent. In terms of
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markets, the Seventh District represents about 10-15 percent of all purchases of
construction machinery. U.S. producers were particularly hurt during the early and mid1980s when a weak domestic economy was augmented by a strong dollar that severely
hampered export sales of domestically produced construction equipment.
Figure 9
U.S. market share by producer
Crawler loaders
Hydraulic excavators
Crawler tractors
Source: Manfredi and Associates.
Steel Industry
The steel industry in the Seventh District is concentrated in northern Indiana (about 25
percent of U.S. production), serving appliance and auto plants in the Midwest. Detroit,
with about 8 percent of the nation's production, also produces specialty steels for the
auto industry. The District is dominated by integrated mills, with over one third of the
nation's steel-making capacity but only 15-20 percent of the nation's minimill capacity.
In 1991, total domestic steel shipments were about 79 million tons, rising to 81 million
tons in 1992. Some improvement is forecasted for 1993 (with projections ranging
between 83 and 86 million tons), and U.S. firms expect to pick up a bigger share of its
total shipments due to restrictions on imports, which currently constitute about 20
percent of the domestic market.
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Figure 10
Steel production by region
Index, January 1988 = 100
95
\
I
\
90
I
\ I
I
85
80
75
7o
1-u.s.
65
-
Detroit - - - • Indiana - - Illinois
89
90
92
Agriculture
Blessed with an abundance of rainfall and highly productive land, the five states
comprising the Seventh Federal Reserve District account for a sizable portion of the
nation's agricultural output. Using only a tenth of the land in farms, District states
generate nearly a fifth of the $170 billion in annual sales of farm commodities. The
District's share is concentrated in five major commodities. Anchored by Illinois, Indiana,
and Iowa, farmers in District states account for about half of the corn, soybeans, and
pork produced nationwide. Paced by Wisconsin's top ranking, they also contribute
about a fourth of the milk production. Those commodities, plus cattle account for over
85 percent of the sales of all farm commodities from District states.
Outside of the five major commodities, the District's agricultural plant produces a wide
diversity of products. For example, the five-state region has a sizable stake in fruit and
vegetable production. Apples and cherries dominate the fruit component while potatoes
and dry beans account for a large share of the District's vegetable production. Within
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the broad-based fruit and vegetable complex, Michigan has achieved the top ranking in
a number of components, such as tart cherries, navy beans and blueberries. Similarly,
Wisconsin ranks first or second in the production of cranberries and in the acreage
devoted to sweet corn, green peas, and snap beans used for processing. The diversity
of the District's agricultural production is also apparent in Indiana's top ranking for eggs
and in Wisconsin's dominating share for mink pelts. In addition, the agricultural base of
the five-state region contains an extensive greenhouse and nursery component and a
number of other commodities, including honey, maple syrup, mint, mushrooms, sugar
beets and tobacco.
Services
Service industries have naturally developed in our District in support of its goods
producing industries. Increasingly, however, business services are being sold to firms
outside the District and U.S.
A strong tendency for producer service firms to favor large metropolitan areas in our
District areas is evident. The largest metropolitan areas in the Seventh District-Chicago, Detroit, Indianapolis, Des Moines, and Milwaukee--display a tendency to
export services with services being largely exported from urban centers to smaller towns
and rural locations within the region. However, less populous metropolitan areas
specialize in important services as well. For example, although Milwaukee is located
only 90 miles from Chicago, a city with more than 3 times as many people, Milwaukee
serves as an independent purveyor and specialist in certain urban services such as
advertising, consumer credit reporting, and accounting. Moreover, many small
metropolitan areas rank close to or above the larger areas in particular services: Peoria
and Cedar Rapids in advertising, Lansing and South Bend in consumer credit reporting,
Sheboygan in engineering and architecture, Grand Rapids in accounting, and Battle
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Creek in management and public relations. Those smaller metropolitan areas hosting
major state universities such as Ann Arbor, Madison, and Champaign-Urbana figure
prominently as service exporters. Computer programming, engineering, research, and
testing labs draw heavily on university skilled labor and institutional capital.
Table3
Index of employment concentration In business service Industries
Rank among metropolitan statistical areas (MSAs) in the U.S.
Advertising
Index Rank
Consumer
credit reporting
Chicago, IL PMSA
Cedar Rapids, IA MSA
Milwaukee, WI PMSA
Peoria, IL MSA
Detroit, Ml PMSA
Elkhart-Goshen, IN MSA
Ann Arbor, Ml PMSA
Madison, WI MSA
Waterloo-Cedar Falls, IA MSA
Kalamazoo, Ml MSA
2.89
2.32
1.99
1.82
1.76
1.38
1.37
1.33
1.20
1.19
1.87
Des Moines, IA MSA
1.66
Lansing-East Lansing, Ml MSA
1.61
Chicago, IL PMSA
1.35
South Bend-Mishawaka, IN MSA
1.34
Milwaukee, WI PMSA
1.28
Indianapolis, IN MSA
1.20
Fort Wayne, IN MSA
1.17
Green Bay, WI MSA
1.13
Kankakee, IL MSA
Champaign-Urbana-Rantoul, IL MSA 1.09
Computer programming
and data processing
Index Rank
Management and
public relations
Ann Arbor, Ml PMSA
Des Moines, IA MSA
Madison, WI MSA
Cedar Rapids, IA MSA
Lafayette-West Lafayette, IN MSA
Chicago, IL PMSA
Detroit, Ml PMSA
Janesville-Beloit, WI MSA
Champaign-Urbana-Rantoul, IL MSA
Milwaukee, WI PMSA
2.44
2.33
1.67
1.51
1.48
1.47
1.18
1.16
1.06
1.06
Lake County, IL PMSA
Indianapolis, IN MSA
Battle Creek, Ml MSA
Chicago, IL PMSA
Ann Arbor, Ml PMSA
Grand Rapids, Ml MSA
Cleveland, OH PMSA
Fort Wayne, IN MSA
Detroit, Ml PMSA
Green Bay, WI MSA
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6
9
11
12
28
30
31
43
45
16
17
35
41
43
44
56
59
67
70
Index
Index
2.54
2.14
1.78
1.69
1.27
1.26
1.12
1.09
1.02
1.01
Rank
21
34
38
51
53
65
76
81
86
94
Rank
8
10
17
23
45
50
60
64
70
71
22
Table 3
Index of employment concentration in business service industries
Rank among metropolitan statistical areas (MSAs) in the U.S.
Engineering, architecture,
and surveying
Ann Arbor, Ml PMSA
Detroit, Ml PMSA
Sheboygan, WI MSA
Cedar Rapids, IA MSA
Madison, WI MSA
Green Bay, WI MSA
Jackson, Ml MSA
Iowa City, IA MSA
Chicago, IL PMSA
Indianapolis, IN MSA
Index Rank
2.00
1.46
1.35
1.29
14
40
49
55
1.28
1.09
1.03
1.01
1.01
1.00
57
81
91
96
98
100
Accounting, auditing,
and bookkeeping
Madison, WI MSA
Chicago, IL PMSA
South Bend-Mishawaka, IN MSA
Des Moines, IA MSA
Grand Rapids, Ml MSA
Milwaukee, WI PMSA
Aurora-Elgin, IL PMSA
Kalamazoo, Ml MSA
Indianapolis, IN MSA
Detroit, Ml PMSA
Index
Rank
1.66
1.50
1.48
11
16
18
1.41
1.32
1.26
1.20
1.12
1.09
1.04
25
36
42
54
67
74
83
Note: Index value of one indicates that the ratio of industry employmenVtotal employment in the MSA is equal to the
industry's share nationally. Values greater than one indicate that the industry is more concentrated in the MSA than
in the nation.
Regional Diversity
From the service sector alone, it is easy to see that a diversity of economic activity also
exists within states which can affect individual perceptions of District economic
performance. For example, Chicago is a world center for derivative markets and serves
as the mid-continental center of business services. While services grew, manufacturing
declined. Manufacturing employment in Chicago dropped sharply in the early 1980s.
The manufacturing sector lost 179,000 jobs between 1979 and 1983, and Chicago has
shown little recovery in its manufacturing sector since that time.
Chicago's service sector employment began to exceed its manufacturing employment in
1979, two years earlier than the nation. Indianapolis and Des Moines are prime
examples of service sector economies that have thrived on the economic transition from
manufacturing to services. For some types of firms and activities, both have provided
lower cost locations for financial and business services than either New York or
Chicago.
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While Michigan is most often identified as the birthplace of the modern auto industry, the
northern and western parts of the state are more diversified than the auto-dominated
southeastern portion of the state. Office furniture (Steelcase and Herman-Miller),
chemicals (Upjohn and Dow), and auto suppliers (Guardsman and Donnelly) have
provided the diversity to make cities like Kalamazoo and Grand Rapids among the
fastest growing metro areas in the state, while the City of Detroit struggles with a
shrinking job base, declining population, and a host of urban problems.
Figure 11
Employment growth within Michigan
Percent change from 1981 to 1991
West Midligan
DetroitMSA
Midligan
While the recession was not easy for the District economy, employment data seem to
suggest that the District has fared far better in the most recent recession than in
previous ones--both in comparison to the national experience and to its own past.
Payroll employment data indicate that District employment fell at about the same rate as
the nation during the recession and has recovered at a slightly faster pace since the
beginning of the employment recovery in April 1991. Household employment data show
a stronger recovery in Illinois and Michigan, with current levels in both states exceeding
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previous peaks (while payroll employment data for these states are still well below their
previous peak levels). Since unemployment data are derived from the household
survey, unemployment rates for the District states have been showing substantial
improvement relative to the national experience in recent months. For example, Illinois'
unemployment rate of 6.5 percent in January of 1993 marked the longest period of time
(six months) that the state had been below the nation's unemployment rate in fourteen
years, before jumping up to 7.9 percent in February. Michigan's unemployment rate
was 6.8 percent in February of this year.
Figure 12
Quarterly unemployment rates, 1979 -1992 District states and U.S.
Percent
1s.----------------;:=::;::::::;:::::::========::::::;------,
-
16
14
Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Current Population Survey.
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U.S.---· IL
- - IA
-
- - IN
Ml •••• WI
25
Figure 13
Monthly unemployment rates 1990 - 1992 District states and U.S.
Percent
11"TI""-------------------------,
-
1
U.S.---· IL
- - IA
-
- - IN
Ml • • •, WI
91
92
Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Current Population Survey.
Restructuring Progress
Productivity and Competitiveness
Despite the hardships of the recessions in the early 1980s, Seventh District
manufacturers maintained a strong commitment to modernization. Indeed, despite a
shrinking manufacturing sector, District manufacturers invested on average 5-1 0
percent more per production worker annually than the nation since 1984. Investment
lagged only during recession years and during the rest of the years of recovery when
the high value of the dollar severely depressed export demand for manufactured goods
in the Midwest. In the District in the second half of the 1980s the combination of closing
inefficient plants and investing in new or existing plants began to show dramatic gains in
productivity. For example, estimates based on the relative improvement in District
manufacturing output using pre-1985 technology with post-1985 technology suggest
efficiency in the District improved by about 20 percent more than for the rest of the
nation.
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Figure 14
Capital expenditures per worker, District states vs. rest of U.S.
$1,000 per production employee
9.0----------------------------,
1--
-
District 7
U.S. Less District
I
8.0
I
I
7.0
,-----..,..,..,
,.,.
I
I
I
1 ------
I
...... ..J
6.0
5.0
4.0
... ...
', ... , ,
1982
1983
,
1984
1 5
1986
1987
1988
1989
1 0
Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Manufactures and Annual Survey of Manufactures
Once the exchange value of the dollar began to fall in the mid to late 1980s, the
revitalized manufacturers in the District began to regain market share lost in the 1970s
and early 1980s. The 1990-91 recession in some sense became a testing ground for
the ability of District manufacturers to sustain their competitive edge in an environment
that required many to produce well below their most profitable operating rates.
Typically, the District economy had been hard hit by national recessions, with
employment tending to decline by as much as twice the national rate. If manufacturers
in the District were truly becoming more competitive, one would expect that they would
weather the recessionary storm more easily than in the past.
While the nation lost over 2 million jobs in the 1990-91 recession (about the same as the
1980-82 period), the District lost only about 300,000 jobs. Since the onset of recovery,
the nation has recorded an increase of slightly over 500,000 payroll jobs, an increase of
about 0.5 percent from the recession's trough. The District has increased employment
by about 130,000, or up about 0.8 percent from its trough. In other words, the District
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has fared somewhat better than nation throughout the recession and recovery period, in
marked contrast to its more typical pattern of deep recession and partial recovery.
Real estate activity in the District has been less adversely affected than in much of the
rest of the nation. This can be explained by the District's relatively stronger economy in
recent years than other parts of the nation and by the relative lack of speculative
excesses in the 1980s. Still, vacancy rates of commercial buildings in the major
metropolitan areas of the District have been rising in recent years and in some cases
are higher than in the nation as a whole. For example, downtown office vacancy rates
in both Detroit and Chicago have generally been below the nation for many years.
Chicago's office vacancy rate rose to 17.7 percent in the third quarter of 1992, virtually
equal to the nation, but much of that increase was due to recent completion of major
office construction projects at a time when the commercial real estate market was weak.
Indianapolis has consistently had vacancy rates above the national average, but this
may reflect in part the fact that Indianapolis has had a rapidly growing commercial
sector. Rapid expansion of office space may have fueled building activity in anticipation
of future needs, which may not have been unrealistic given Indianapolis' growth in the
1980s. In contrast, Detroit's low office vacancy rate reflects very little office construction
for many years.
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Figure 15
Office vacancy rates
Percent
22.....-----------------------------,
20
,... ____ __
18
I
____ .,,,,,,,. .,,,
-
.,,,
16
I
14
~----
12
10
I
------I
\ ~ ... ""T
...... ,,,, ,. \ I /
--
8
-
Detroit
- - Indianapolis
86
90
92
Industrial vacancy rates
Percent
11-----------------------------,
10 , -
us
- - Chicago
-
Detroit
- - Indianapolis I
9
8
7
6
5
4
3
2..,__~--.----------------~--.....--~--....---'
2
4
2
Residential real estate activity in the Seventh District has been another strong point in
the comparisons with the nation. By almost any measure--housing starts, new home
sales, or existing home sales--the District has been outperforming the national housing
market in the early 1990s. For example, housing starts for single family homes in the
Midwest portion of the nation rose 25 percent in 1992, compared to 20 percent in the
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nation as a whole, and the region has returned to previous peak levels of activity in
1986 while the nation is still about 33 percent below 1986 levels. The reasons for this
are similar to the relative strength in commercial activity. The District has experienced
slow but steady income growth and housing values have been in line with this growth.
As a result, the District has avoided the speculative overbuilding that has been haunting
the eastern and western coasts. Indeed, the District generally can be characterized as
having some of the most affordable housing in the nation. When the housing market
nationally was depressed in 1990 and 1991, District home owners did not experience
the decline in home values that occurred in other regions and in many cases were able
to enjoy some of the highest housing stock appreciation in the nation during the recent
economic recovery.
Figure 16
Housing starts
Index, July 1990 = 100
7 1990
1991
1992
1993
Industrial Restructuring
A close look behind the progress reveals the fact that the challenges facing the district
economy remain formidable. The region's firms have begun to restructure in such a
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way as to be globally competitive. But this process goes hand in hand with massive and
geographically concentrated layoffs of the region's residents. For example, in recent
years, restructuring announcements in the auto industry are perhaps the most
traumatic. GM's restructuring plans call for closing up to 28 assembly and parts plants,
many of which are expected to be in the Midwest, and to reduce its work force by
roughly 85,000 white- and blue-collar workers, with most of the white-collar job losses
concentrated in Michigan. According to recent estimates, the need for the restructuring
can be seen from production cost comparisons between one or more domestic
producers with low cost Japanese producers. The estimates show that cost differentials
with low-cost Japanese producers on small cars (assuming full capacity) may have
fallen from over $2000 in 1982 to less than $500 in 1991.
How have the District's key manufacturing industries fared during this recovery? The
auto industry has been improving since mid-1992, leading industrial production both in
the nation and the District. If recently announced production plans hold, autos will
continue to boost the District economy. Steel is another industry that has been
improving recently, even though profitability has been elusive. Recent adjustments in
trade restriction are likely to provide a significant boost to District steel production in
1993. Finally, demand for machine tools is being sustained by the need for the auto
industry to keep pace with model changes of imports and transplants and by the need
for manufacturers to reduce cost and improve quality. Plans for equipment spending
appear to be strong and should be a key source of strength in the District's economy in
1993.
Exports have always been an important component of the District's economy, one that
has been increasing over time but which was undermined in the mid-1980s when the
dollar's exchange rate was high. Currently, manufactured exports from the District
amount to about 12 percent (or, $49 billion) of the nation's total. A primary strength in
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exports has come from capital equipment (particularly industrial and electrical
equipment) and scientific instruments. Growth in foreign demand for products of these
industries during 1991-92 has helped hold up the District economy in an otherwise
sagging export market. In Wisconsin, for example, nonelectrical machinery (mostly
machine tools) grew at an average annual rate of nearly 20 percent between 1987 and
1991, before slowing to only 1 percent in 1991 as global markets weakened. Chemical
and transportation equipment industries have also been important in the export mix, but
have been harder hit by the recent slowdown in export growth (due in part to slower
economic growth overseas).
Because of the relative importance of this latter group to total District exports, and
because of the special role of trade between Canada and Michigan, the District's overall
export growth has been held back in recent years. For example, after outpacing the
nation in 1990 by a substantial margin, District exports of manufactured goods
expanded 8 percent in 1991 and 6 percent in 1992, while nationally exports increased
12 percent and 8 percent. However, if Michigan is excluded (high volume trade occurs
between Michigan and Canada and, unless the auto industry is directly involved,
Michigan's volume doesn't respond _to changes in overseas demand), the comparisons
look a little better, with District exports outpacing the nation in 1992 by roughly two
percentage points.
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Table 3
Exports by State and Region
Percent
change
1988 - 89
Percent
change
1989 - 90
Percent
change
1990 - 91
Percent
change
1991- 92
Seventh District
Illinois
Indiana
Iowa
Michigan
Wisconsin
10.7
17.5
12.3
21.8
5.5
7.0
24.2
24.4
23.8
-1.0
25.7
32.7
8.2
6.6
9.3
3.2
10.3
5.5
6.0
9.0
6.8
9.9
1.0
15.1
U.S. Total
15.1
17.5
12.1
8.1
Share of U.S.
total - 1992
14.2%
4.3
1.8
0.7
5.8
1.7
External and global swings in the marketplace, such as those influencing current
demand for capital machinery and equipment will continue to lie beyond the influence of
either local policymakers, or national policymakers for that matter. And because the
industries involved are often those who are large employers at individual locations, the
local impacts will be severe for those regions affected.
Agricultural Restructuring
The late 1980s brought substantial recovery to the farm sector. Farm earnings
improved considerably as rebounding exports and altered farm support programs
trimmed the burdensome crop supplies of the mid-1980s. The improved returns caused
farm asset values to turn upward. The downturn in farm debt that started in 1984
continued through 1990, further strengthening the farm sector balance sheet. Various
measures of the quality of farm debt have improved substantially from the distressed
levels of the mid 1980s and are more in line with the levels that prevailed prior to the
excesses of the 1970s. Accordingly, the performance of commercial farm lenders has
rebounded sharply.
While the financial condition of the farm sector today is vastly improved from that of the
mid-1980s, it exhibits a cautious demeanor in spending and continues to go through
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considerable restructuring to achieve greater production efficiencies. Reflecting the
cautious attitudes of farmers, capital expenditures in the farm sector declined for the
second consecutive year in 1992 and, at $11.2 billion, were well below the levels of
most years over the last two decades. And despite the relatively strong returns to
assets in recent years, the bidding in farmland transactions has been lackluster. As a
result, the trend in farmland values is only modestly upward in nominal dollar terms and
flat to slightly downward in real terms.
The restructuring that still characterizes the farm sector here and elsewhere is reflected
in the continuing decline in the number of farms. During the 1950s and the 1960s, farm
numbers declined at an annual rate of 3 percent. The rate of decline slowed
considerably during the "boom" times of the 1970s and from 1978 to 1981 farm
numbers actually stabilized. But the downtrend has resumed since then, with the
annual rate of decline over the last eleven years approximating 1.5 percent.
The decline in farm numbers has been especially apparent among pork producers, a
commodity of particular importance in states comprising the Seventh Federal Reserve
District. The 1987 Census of Agriculture found that the number of farms with hogs was
down 45 percent from 9 years earlier nationwide and down 37 percent in District states.
(During the same time period, the decline in all farm numbers was closer to a tenth).
Updated information shows that the number of operations with hogs has declined an
additional 25 percent nationwide since 1987 and about 14 percent in District states.
Several factors are behind the restructuring that continues to result in shrinking farm
numbers and a greater degree of commodity specialization among those that remain.
But a major factor reflects the need to achieve scale economies in order to reduce
production costs per unit of output. With the increasing globalization of agricultural
markets and the likelihood of a further downscaling of federal government farm income
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and price support programs, the focus on achieving scale economies will no doubt
continue in the future. These restructurings that enhance the production efficiency of
U.S. agriculture may need to be complemented with redefined rural development and
infra-structure investment policies that, among other things, help to retrain displaced
farmers and provide better job opportunities for all rural residents. Research on
relocation of manufacturing activity shows that a number of non-metropolitan counties in
our District are achieving growth in manufacturing employment. But many of these
fortunate counties either border metropolitan areas or enjoy the transportation
advantages of an interstate highway. Many other rural counties could benefit from
efforts to retrain workers and expand off-farm job opportunities.
The farm sector restructuring has parallel trends among agri-business firms that process
and distribute agricultural commodities and/or manufacture the inputs used by farmers.
Consolidation has been vividly evident in recent years in the number of meat packers
and processors. Moreover, the emphasis on specialization has led to a geographical.
shift of beef processors out of the Midwest into more western states. Reflecting this, the
share of cattle processed by packing firms in the five states of the Seventh Federal
Reserve District has declined from 23 percent to 14 percent over the last two decades.
This loss has been only partially offset by the growing share--from 44 percent to 50
percent--of the nation's hogs that are processed by commercial packers in District
states.
Mergers and acquisitions have also been widespread in the fertilizer, pesticide, seed,
and farm machinery and equipment industries in recent years. The consolidation of the
farm machinery and equipment industry has had a sizable repercussion on the states of
the Seventh Federal Reserve District. As purchases of farm machinery and equipment
retreated during the "credit-crises" of the 1980s, U.S. payroll employment among farm
machinery and equipment manufacturers retreated from a peak of 159,000 in 1979 to a
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low of 65,000 in 1986. The trend since then has been mixed; recovering to around
79,000 in 1990 and then retreating to just over 70,000 last year as the cautious
spending patterns of farmers triggered another slump in sales. The consolidation
suggested by these employment numbers for farm equipment manufacturers was no
doubt just as extensive in the number of dealerships and the network of suppliers,
distributors, and haulers that support the farm equipment industry.
Confronting the Challenges
Following periods of economic shocks, a region's indigenous institutions, including its
financial lenders and state-local governments, must take up the challenges of
redevelopment and rebuilding. However, during such times, their resources are often
stretched thin.
State and Local Government
In the 1990s the District's state and local governments are being forced to make
structural changes to their revenue systems and cuts in their service programs rather
than relying on the usual temporary budget maneuvers that are typical of cyclical
downturns. Despite profound shocks to its economy during the 1980s, District
governments largely avoided structural changes to revenue systems and services.
Following the weak 1980-82 period, District governments were able to restore fiscal
solvency and repeal the temporary surcharges which they had imposed to shore up
deficit positions. Today, however, the tepid pace of economic growth, coupled with
overlying pressures from Medicaid and federal mandates, have pushed state and local
governments to enact tax hikes and service cuts during the aftermath of the 1990-91
recession. This pressure has left fewer resources to assist the region in reinvestment
and re-development.
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The 1980s
The back-to-back recessions of 1980 and 1981-82 were particularly hard on the
Seventh District as illustrated by a nearly 25 percent drop in Seventh District
manufacturing employment from the peak in the first quarter of 1980 to the trough of the
second recession in the third quarter of 1982. At the same time and for several years
thereafter, the agriculture sector was plagued by several droughts, debt carryover from
the 1970s, and a rising value of the dollar.
The decline in these two key industry sectors had a strong effect on the District's state
and local fiscal health. Still District governments managed to weather the short-lived
1980 recession without having to turn to major tax increases; they did so by drawing
down on relatively healthy fund balances. The recession of 1981-82 proved harder to
absorb. Still, District states managed to forestall major spending cuts and tax hikes, at
least up until the second half of fiscal year 1983. At that time, deficits were so severe,
and further public service cuts so intolerable, that all of the five states took the
unpopular measure of increasing either income or sales tax rates or both. Nonetheless,
the income tax changes came primarily in the form of surtaxes which were repealed or
expired when recovery set in. For example, the long-awaited snapback in consumer
spending lifted the Michigan economy in 1983 and 1984, enabling Michigan to cut a
temporary income tax rate hike from 6.35 percent to 5.35 percent by the fall of 1984.
State and local balance sheets were replenished so that fiscal conditions in all five
states were fairly strong by FY85.
Relative to east and west coast states, Seventh District states tended to increase
expenditures at a slower rate during this period. Also, District states used this period of
improved conditions to bolster their fiscal structure against future downturns. Michigan
pioneered the creation of a budget stabilization fund and other District states began
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using a series of techniques all designed to put structures in place to cushion
government from future economic downturns.
Figure 17
Spending per $1000 personal income
Seventh District relative to rest of U.S.
1.0:i-1-------------------------,
1.02
1.01
9
80
85
86
87
88
89
90
Source: U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Government Finances, various years.
The 1990s
Fiscal prudence has generally allowed the Seventh District states to avoid the high
degree of fiscal adjustment which has characterized the New England states and
California; however it has not left the states insulated from the fiscal stresses that now
have an estimated 22 states running structural deficits.
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Figure 18
Projected FY93 budget balances as a percentage of FY93 spending
Percent
6-,-----------------------------,
5-------------~-----------------------1
suooested minimum balance
4
3
2
IN
IA
IL
WI
Ml
Source: State Budget & Tax News, Vol.11 , Issue 20, November 9, 1992
As both self-initiated programs and federally imposed mandated programs have grown,
state revenue growth has been unable to keep up. Mandated prison sentences are
swelling corrections expenditures as prisons must be constructed to house the swelling
inmate population. Medicaid, which requires states to match Federal contributions, has
also been exploding in terms of costs as the scope of services covered by Medicaid
have been regularly expanded and the eligible population has grown. These costs have
shown little prospect of abating.
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Figure 19
State/local expenditures for Medicaid
Billions of dollars
1987
1990
1992
2000 proj.
Source: Congressional Budget Office, Projections of National Health Expenditures, October, 1992.
Meanwhile the potential for huge additional costs to be added through more stringent
environmental compliance standards looms in the future. Additionally, unlike the early
1980s, the cyclical strategy of using surtaxes to cover budget problems in downturns
may need to be abandoned this time. Illinois, for example, has extended its income tax
surcharge through June of 1993 and is now considering making it permanent and
dedicating the proceeds to state government or to local education rather than sharing
the receipts with municipalities. Michigan voters have recently rejected a proposal for
local property tax relief in the belief that the state would not have the resources to make
up for the accompanying revenue shortfalls.
State and local governments have also made painful expenditure cuts. The structural
nature of the adjustments now underway in District states is also illustrated by the
fundamental service programs which have been the target of cuts. Deep cuts have
been made in popular programs such as general assistance, higher education and
economic development. For example, among the first programs to fall under the budget
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axe in Michigan was the state's General Assistance program, where 90,000 "ablebodied" recipients were cut from the rolls. Similarly, state universities throughout
Seventh District have seen only small increases in their budgets. From FY91 to FY93,
the average annual increase in higher education appropriations ranged from a high of
3.5 percent in Wisconsin, to a decline of -0.5 percent in Illinois.
Figure 20
Average annual percent increase, higher education expenditure FY91 to FY93,
-1+--------,-------,.------.-----..----------1
WI
Ml
IA
IN
IL
Source: State Budget & Tax News, Vol. 11, Issue 21, November 13, 1992.
So far this year Illinois higher education expenditures are down 3 percent through the
first half of FY93. At the same time, public universities have had to raise tuition so as to
limit the magnitude of budget cuts. Similarly, economic development departments in
Illinois and Michigan have been drastically cut. The state funded portion of the Illinois
Department of Commerce and Community Affairs had its budget cut by nearly 80
percent between FY91 and FY93. Michigan's Department of Commerce saw a 70
percent budget reduction over the same period.
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Figure 21
State appropriations for economic development--lllinois & Michigan
Millions of dollars
Michigan FY91
FY93
Source: National Council for Urban Economic Development, Economic Developments, March 15, 1992.
Because of the uncontrolled growth in Medicaid and corrections spending, these
programs have had to absorb greater reductions than would have been the case in
previous downturns.
At the present time, state governments have little room to maneuver. Both Illinois and
Michigan have exhausted their budget reserves and have exhausted the usual list of
fiscal measures tried by the states to avoid making more sweeping structural
adjustments to their budgets. Faced with a backlog of bills, both states will still be in
difficult shape even with a sustained recovery. For example, in FY92 Michigan used
$150 million from its budget stabilization fund, leaving a balance of only $22 million.
Even so, in order to balance its books, the state had to accrue certain taxes and delay
school aid and revenue sharing payments to municipalities. In the coming year, without
a budget reserve and having exhausted other fiscal maneuvers, the state will have to
make structural changes in expenditures or revenues to cope with additional fiscal
stresses. In Indiana, Iowa and Wisconsin potential fiscal maneuvers are also becoming
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limited. In order to keep fiscally healthy, Indiana has been forced to use more of its
budget reserve than it would prefer. Wisconsin, whose relatively strong economy has
made it better situated than most states, has still relied on the active use of Governor
Thompson's veto and has shifted some responsibilities to the local level. Wisconsin's
revenue department has been looking at the expanded use of local sales taxes in the
state and the possibility of enabling a local option income tax. In Iowa, two very austere
budgets in 1990-91 and 91-92, accompanied by employee reductions and some limited
tax increases, have enabled the state to cobble together a precariously balanced
budget, but the state has no real reserves left to meet any unforeseen downturns.
Pressures on state government have spilled over and have been passed along to local
governments. Despite the fact that property taxes are among the most unpopular of all
state-local revenue sources, the Seventh District tax structure is already more reliant on
property taxes than is the case nationally.
Table 4
Seventh District state/local tax structure
Percentage distribution of tax collections by source
Illinois
Indiana
Iowa
Michigan
Wisconsin
U.S.
Income
Sales
Property
Other
Total
21.0
27.5
27.6
32.8
30.8
26.4
24.7
29.1
19.0
16.9
19.4
24.0
35.2
30.3
35.5
38.4
35.2
30.4
19.1
13.1
17.9
11.9
14.6
19.2
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
Source: Book of the States, 1993. Council of State Governments, Lexington, Kentucky.
All of the District states, except for Indiana, rely on property taxes for a larger share of
the state and local revenue mix than is the case nationally. As a result, efforts to
mitigate future increases in property taxes have been proposed or enacted including
property tax caps in Illinois and Wisconsin. This past autumn, Michigan failed to pass
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the "cut and cap" proposal on the ballot when voters appeared to believe that it was
unrealistic to expect state reimbursement for lost property tax revenues. In fact, voters
were probably correct in their assessment; state governments have already passed
along their own fiscal pressures onto local governments by delaying or trimming school
and municipal aid payments. Such efforts to push programs down to municipalities or to
reduce state aid to towns will further strain the property tax base, and impede efforts to
reduce reliance on the property tax base.
Compounding the strain on the property tax base is the slow growth in assessed values.
More conservative property revaluations and a lack of new construction are limiting the
automatic growth in local revenues which towns became accustomed to during the latter
1980s. With a distinct possibility that some state responsibilities may be shifted to local
governments, proposals will probably emerge to permit towns to impose new types of
taxes in order to diversify their revenue base and to avoid even greater reliance on
property taxes.
Rising Medicaid and health care costs will continue to pressure the state-local sector
even if the current economic expansion accelerates. These costs have provided the
most powerful and persistent fiscal strain on state governments. What in 1980
consumed 6 percent of state budgets is being projected to consume 28 percent by
1995. The growth rate for Medicaid expenditures is running at nearly four times that of
revenues. Each year the states have underforecast the rate of growth in this budget
area. As states have had to provide supplemental funds to cover unanticipated
Medicaid expenses, other budget areas have been squeezed. For example, two District
states, Wisconsin and Indiana had to supplement their FY92 Medicaid budgets by $67
million and $42 million respectively. This represented supplements of more than 40
percent over the original Medicaid budgets in these states. Some pressure has been
eased by the enactment of Medicaid provider taxes in Illinois, Michigan and Wisconsin.
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These taxes force providers to pay tax on the proceeds they receive from providing
medicaid services and in most cases have the side effect of increasing the federal
contribution to state Medicaid programs. In Illinois, Medicaid expenditures twenty years
ago were half of state spending on primary and secondary education. Today it slightly
exceeds that spending.
Figure 22
State/local per capita expenditures for Medicaid, 1980 and 1990
Dollars
31x1-r---------------------==-----,
2
2
Source: U.S. Department of Commerce. Bureau of the Census. Government Finances, 1979-80, 1989-90.
Concerns for the future
Longer term, there will be continuing pressures for increased expenditures on
education, infrastructure and the environment. These three areas will demand more
government resources in the future. In the case of education, the District states'
reliance on property taxes to fund elementary and secondary education presents two
problems. First, property tax revenues over the near term are unlikely to grow very fast
due to a lack of expansion in the property tax base. Unless new efficiencies in providing
education are miraculously found and implemented, this will mean that property tax
rates will be pressured upward. Given the taxpayer sentiment against the property tax
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increases and the popularity of tax caps in states such as Illinois, the ability of this tax
source to fund the larger educational expenditures, which will be needed with a growing
school population, will be strained. Second, the reliance on the property tax also
creates funding inequalities between school districts. District states have so far been
able to avoid judicial challenges which would compel an equalization scheme.
However, in last fall's election, an Illinois referendum which would have required that the
state pay "the majority" of school funding was narrowly defeated despite receiving better
than 57 percent of the vote; 60 percent was required. Moreover, court challenges will
continue. The success of any of these initiatives would be severe. To make
equalization schemes at all acceptable to the public, spending will need to be "leveled
up", thereby sharply raising overall revenue requirements.
Infrastructure investments are also being called for, mostly in the form of repair and
replacement of existing structures. For example, one third of Chicago's sewer system is
better than 80 years old. Given that the sewer system was designed to have a total life
expectancy averaging 90 years, it is clear that significant outlays will need to be made in
the coming years. Other basic infrastructure such as roads and bridges are also in
need of attention. Because the District states do not carry heavy levels of indebtedness
(measures of both bonded debt per capita and per $1000 of personal income are low in
all District states), states would ordinarily be in relatively good shape to issue debt in the
form of bonds. However, the weak rates of revenue growth will make it costly to issue
additional debt since it is uncertain as to whether future revenues will be sufficient to
service the debt.
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Figure 23
State/local total debt per capita, 1990
Dollars
Source: U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Government Finances, 1989-90.
Environmental concerns have been added to the list of long run concerns. Both states
and municipalities face staggering costs in implementing the environmental standards
included in programs such as the Clean Air Act Amendments of 1990. A detailed study
by the city of Columbus, Ohio estimated that the city will need slightly more than 1 billion
dollars to comply with 22 state and federal environmental mandates over the next 10
years. The magnitude of that expenditure is best illustrated by the fact that the total city
budget in 1991 was $591 million. Similar compliance costs can be expected at both the
state and local level in Seventh District states where the industrial and agricultural
heritage of the region will make environmental compliance costs steep. At the state
level the combination of Medicaid/health care costs and environmental compliance
costs have the potential of consuming the bulk of state budgets. At the local level,
education expenditures (when coupled with these environmental compliance costs) will
have the same effect-- limiting the other program options of government.
There are also concerns that the pension systems of many public employees may be
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underfunded. Three of the District's five state employee pension funds are severely
underfunded and this has the potential of making worrisome claims on future revenues.
Michigan's state pension fund has contributions equal to 66 percent of future liabilities,
while Illinois and Indiana have funding levels of 64 percent and 58 percent, respectively.
These states can use a "pay as you go" strategy to avoid having to make any drastic
short-term adjustments in their levels of contributions. However, such a policy has two
negative repercussions. In the near term, states have been increasing their immediate
pension liabilities and outlays through early retirement programs aimed at saving overall
personnel costs. But this policy puts immediate strains on current operating solvency.
Second, state bond ratings can be unfavorably affected by pay-as-you-go pension
funding, thereby raising borrowing costs because underfunded pensions are usually
viewed by agencies as an indicator of fiscal stress.
Recap
Owing to both its own fiscal prudence during the troubled 1980s and to the more
favorable regional conditions currently in many parts of the District, state-local
governments have passed through these troubled times in better shape than many
other regions. Nonetheless, District governments are as widely diverse as the District's
economy. For example, state government in Michigan and many of its local
governments in particular are susceptible to the upheavals in economic base which
accompany plant closings and mass layoffs in the auto industry. Moreover, District
governments in general are far from insulated from the pressures common to the entire
state-local sector nationally: rising Medicaid and prison expenditures, federal mandates
such as compliance with environmental regulation, and slowly growing revenues. As a
result, structural changes and fiscal crisis are evident throughout our District for many
governments who have made painful cuts in public services and who have raised tax
rates or extended tax surcharges.
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Financial Developments in the Seventh Federal Reserve District
Although the Seventh District did not escape unscathed the financial trauma that has
afflicted the rest of the nation since the early 1980s, it has suffered less than most other
regions. Neither the number of failing banks nor their assets have been as large, relative
to District totals, as in most other areas of the country. For the entire Seventh District,
only 72, or 2.6 percent of District banks failed between 1982 and 1992, as opposed to
9.7 percent of the banks for the country as a whole. The annual number of failures in
the District peaked at 14 in 1985, well before the 1989 peak of 206 failures for the entire
United States. In large part, the difference in timing of the District's banking problems
relative to the rest of the country reflected some previously noted characteristics of the
behavior of the broader economy. One was the fact, discussed in some detail above,
that the District economy was hit extremely hard by the 1981-82 downturn relative to
other regions of the country. District banking, in turn, was strongly affected by the
collapse in land prices and agricultural loan quality problems that accompanied the
disinflationary period that followed. In more recent years, in contrast, the District was
largely spared the problems experienced by the Southwest associated with the sharp
fall in oil prices beginning in 1986, and the 1990-91 recession was not as severe in the
District as elsewhere. However, we also like to think that the lower failure rate in the
District over the entire decade had something to do with the diligence, conservative loan
evaluations, and prompt supervisory intervention that have characterized our field
examiners and supervisors.
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Figure 24
Closed banks - Seventh District
Number of institutions
80
89
90
91
92
District banks continue to show improving earnings and capital. In 1992, the average
return on equity for commercial banks in the Seventh District was 11.6 percent, up
slightly from 11.3 percent in 1991 but slightly below the national average of 12.1
percent, while the average return on assets was 0.90 percent, up from 0.83 percent in
1991, but also slightly below the national average of 0.91. While the return on assets of
District banks with assets of less than $1 billion rose sharply to 1.17 percent in 1992
from 0.98 in 1991, that of District banks with assets of more than $1 billion slipped
slightly to 0.66 percent from 0.67 percent in the previous year and remains well below
what traditionally have been considered "normal" levels; the same pattern holds for
return on equity. The improving health of District banks was further attested by the fact
that there has been a 70 percent decline in the number of lower rated banks in the
District since the end of 1986.
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Figure 25
Return on assets - commercial banks
Percent to average assets
1.2
CJ
l•us
Seventh District
j
1.0
0.8
0.6
0.4
0.2
0.0
82
&_
83
Figure 26
3, 4, and 5, CAMEL rated banks - Seventh District
Number of institutions
Beset by the erosion of capital by loan losses of the past decade and new regulatory
pressures to increase capital, District banks strived to increase their capital ratios in a
number of ways. They have added to retained earnings by restricting dividends and
have gone to market with new issues of equity and subordinated debt. To some degree
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they have adjusted to the tighter capital constraints by cutting lending and asset growth.
The net effect of these adjustments was that capital ratios rose for nearly all District
banks, with the average equity capital-to-assets ratio averaging 7.8 percent as of the
end of 1992.
Figure 27
Equity to total assets - commercial banks
Percent of total assets
10-.--------------------------□ Seventh District
I
A key factor in the improving condition of banks in the District has been the gradual
winding down of their asset quality problems. Nonperforming loans were down from 2.1
percent of total loans in the fourth quarter of 1991 to 1. 7 percent of total loans as of the
fourth quarter of 1992, reflecting the improving economic conditions and further
chargeoffs of the worst loans. An equally encouraging sign was the sharp increase in
loan loss reserve coverage at yearend 1992 to 105 percent of nonperforming loans, up
from 96 percent in the preceding quarter and from 88 percent at yearend 1991. In view
of the fact that this coverage ratio has averaged just over 100 percent for District banks
in the past, its current level suggests that most of the negative effects on bank capital of
facing up to probable loan losses are behind us and will no longer constitute a drag on
new lending.
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Figure 28
Nonperforming loans - commercial banks
Percent to total loans
5,...-------,...,=-,,...-__
-_-_-_-_-_-=-=-...,..-_-----=-,.,...-. .,. .-_ , , - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ,
CJ Sevenlh Distrd j
-
4
3
2
1-
V
89
90
Figure 29
Loan loss reserves - commercial banks
Percent to nonperforming loans
c:J Sm-enlh District
j
120-
....
100-
80·
60
W
40
~
i\l
0
i
0
20-
82
83
M~-~--00-1-1-8~,-~J~i-89~~!-l~J-9~2~-~
The ongoing process of consolidation that has characterized our region over the past
two decades has allowed Seventh District banks to become more diversified, in turn
increasing their safety and soundness. This process was given added impetus by the
decision of District states to open themselves to regional and nationwide banking. This
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process is dramatically altering the banking structures of states in the District, which for
many decades had some of the most restrictive branching and holding company laws in
the nation. Because of the asset quality and earnings problems encountered by some
of the money center and other larger banks in the Seventh District's major financial
centers in the mid 1980s, those banks have not been in a position to take the initiative in
geographical expansion and acquisition activity. Consequently, the vacuum has been
filled by large regional banks headquartered outside of Chicago and, in some cases,
outside the District.
Thrift institutions in the Midwest are also showing improvement, but from a much lower
base. Because of their institutional design, thrifts were, of course, much more
vulnerable to the unprecedented increases in interest rates at the beginning of the
1980s than commercial banks. Of the District states, only Illinois had a serious thrift
problem, ranking fourth in the number (47) of thrift institutions resolved by the
Resolution Trust Corporation between its establishment in 1989 and yearend 1992 and
eighth in terms of the total assets of resolved institutions ($7.7 billion). Although most of
the terminally ill thrift institutions in the Midwest have now been placed in receivership, a
formidable cleanup operation is still in progress. Only four savings and loan
associations in the District remain in the conservatorship program, and there are eight
undercapitalized savings and loans rated MACRO 5 that are candidates for
conservatorship.
It should not be assumed that the health of depository institutions in the Seventh District
has been fully restored or that there is no possibility of further setbacks. There is still
general weakness in commercial real estate lending, reflecting the high vacancy rates
and reduced building activity that constitute the hangover from the binge of the late
1980s. However, because overbuilding in the 1980s never reached the fever pitch in
the District that it did in the Southwest and New England, the correction has so far been
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much more moderate. But while the vacancy rate in Chicago remained lower
throughout the mid-to-late 1980s than in the nation, it has risen sharply over the past
three years as more space has come on the market--just as Sears was relocating to the
suburbs.
Credit Availability
During the last three years, credit availability remained better in the Midwest than in
many other parts of the country. This was largely the result of the relatively healthy
condition of the District's banking organizations. This health not only meant that fewer
banks were forced to reduce their lending, it also eased the adjustment for borrowers at
banks that were facing capital and asset quality problems. Indeed, a number of the
better capitalized banks in the Seventh District actively sought to bid away creditworthy
customers from the District's weaker banks.
In addition, the few midwestern banks that experienced significant asset quality
problems had loans outstanding to borrowers throughout the country. This
diversification had two consequences. First, the fate of our troubled banks was generally
tied to the prospects for the national economy, not the fortunes of a single region, as
was the case in New England. Second, in contrast to New England, the disruptions
created by the retrenchment of the troubled banks in our District was spread across the
entire country rather than being concentrated on borrowers in the District.
But while the District's banking system remained relatively healthy, Midwestern
borrowers could not completely escape the changes sweeping through U.S. credit
markets. The net effect of these changes has been to make bank lending more
profitable, ending a longstanding but unsustainable deterioration in the compensation
banks receive for bearing risk. Because the new pricing structure reflects these risks
more accurately, the ultimate result will be a safer and more effective financial system.
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The banking industry's transition toward this new, more realistic pricing structure began
to be apparent in the spring of 1990, accelerated dramatically during late 1990 and early
1991, and was completed by 1992. A number of forces, including changes in bank
regulation, drove the restructuring. However, the three most important forces pushing
the industry down the road to restructuring were the perceived increase in the risk of the
industry's loan portfolio, the concomitant increase in industry losses, and the growing
realization that lending could not be profitable without substantially wider spreads.
As was the case across the nation, District banks responded to these forces by reducing
their exposure to their largest borrowers and tightening the pricing of loans and loan
commitments to nearly every type of borrower. Whether poorly capitalized or wellcapitalized, large or small, urban or rural, virtually every bank in the Seventh District
participated in the shift to a new, more realistic pricing structure for bank loans. The
upshot has been a slowdown in the growth of assets held by District banks from 3
percent in 1990 to 1 percent in 1992.
The restructuring of credit markets during 1990 and 1991 was inevitable and, on
balance, desirable. Nevertheless, because policymakers did have several tools at their
disposal to ease the transition process, the Federal Reserve was continually checking
for signs that tight credit was creating significant barriers to the growth of businesses,
either in the District or nationally. However, our contacts with District businesses and
banks suggested that, outside of the real estate sector, District borrowers were still able
to obtain credit, albeit at a higher price. Indeed, the primary concern of most of the
businesses we contacted was neither the availability nor the price of credit; it was the
economy's sluggish performance.
At recent meetings of our Small Business and Agricultural Advisory Councils, we have
again carefully reviewed the question of credit availability with the Council members.
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The view continues to be that banks have become much more careful in the loan
extension process; credit standards have been raised, documentation requirements
have been made more demanding, and as noted above, spreads and fees have risen.
However, our council members almost universally felt that adequate credit was
generally available.
On the other hand, many Council members were concerned that environmental
regulations are making certain types of transactions unbankable. Leery of the potential
liability, some banks are shying away from a credit whenever an environmental issue is
even a remote possibility. Those banks that are willing to proceed are very demanding
in their requirements for complete but costly environmental studies. Both our
Agricultural and Small Business Advisory Councils feel strongly that this environmental
matter is significantly impeding the extension of credit to these key sectors of our
District's economy.
From the perspective of the District's banks, the restructuring of credit markets is now
largely complete. Credit terms have ceased to tighten, asset quality is on the rebound,
and most District banking organizations have now built up a sufficient cushion of excess
capital that they can focus more of their attention exclusively on the business of lending.
However, this does not mean that District banks will soon again begin growing at 7 or 8
percent a year. In all likelihood, District borrowers are still adjusting to this new more
realistic pricing structure. As these borrowers find additional ways to economize on
bank credit, their borrowing needs will decrease. This process will be accelerated by
the fact that many businesses are carrying debt burdens that are inappropriately high for
such a competitive and volatile economic environment. Until District businesses have
fully adjusted to the new credit market realities, we will continue to see relatively modest
rates of growth at District banks.
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Current Conditions
Entering 1993--A Current Assessment
The same challenges and opportunities that have transformed the District's economy
over the last 15-20 years can be seen shaping its economic performance today. To be
sure, the District's economy is still doing better relative to the nation in many sectors,
but competitive pressures are continuing to force change. Moreover, the pace of our
recovery is lackluster by past standards and concerns of sustainability remain as much
an issue for the District as the nation.
Agriculture
The 1992 crop season was characterized by a record harvest nationwide despite some
of the most unusual weather patterns in memory. In our District, record-breaking
outcomes in Illinois, Indiana, and Iowa pushed the five-state corn and soybean harvest
some 28 percent above the low year-earlier level and 8 percent above the previous high
set in 1985. But the overall abundance was countered in many areas of the District-especially in Michigan and Wisconsin--by several problems that resulted in a very
difficult harvest. Cool temperatures during the growing season, an early frost, and a
rainy fall season led to a late harvest, costly drying charges, and extensive quality
discounts on much of the corn harvested in the northern portions of our District.
The price implications of the larger harvest will be only partially cushioned by increased
consumption. Domestic consumption of both corn and soybeans will likely register
further growth during the current marketing year. But compared to the 20 percent
decline in the combined tonnage of corn, soybeans, and soybean meal shipments
abroad the last two years, export prospects for the District's crop farmers have improved
only marginally this year. This partially reflects the delinquencies that have led to a
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suspension since late November in new government credit guarantees to finance
shipments to Russia. It also reflects the evidence that the crops now growing in the
Southern Hemisphere could produce a banner harvest and add further to available
world supplies.
It now seems clear that the record 1992 crop harvest will contribute to a large build-up in
carryover stocks. As such, prices of major Seventh District crops have hovered at fairly
low levels. In particular, corn prices since last September have averaged just over $2 a
bushel, down nearly a fifth from a year ago and the lowest in nearly five years. The
lower prices will likely outweigh an increase in government payments and lead to a
decline in earnings of District crop farmers this year. This will be particularly true for
those hit hardest by the harvesting problems of last fall.
The District's livestock and dairy farmers are also experiencing lower prices from
expanding production. The current cyclical upswing among hog farmers has been
underway since the fall of 1990. Per capita pork production rose 7 percent last year and
reached the highest level since 1981. The latest U.S. Department of Agriculture
estimates show hog numbers nationwide are up 4 percent , assuring continued growth
in pork production well into this year. The inventory estimates for lowa--by far the
largest pork producing state--show a rise of 8 percent. Among the other District states,
hog numbers are little changed from a year ago.
The implications of the expanded production on livestock prices have been partially
cushioned by the improving trends in U.S. meat trade. U.S. pork exports have grown
rapidly in recent years while pork imports have declined. Nevertheless, hog prices for
all of 1992 averaged about 14 percent less than the year before and further slight
declines are expected for this year. Prices for many hog farmers may fall below the cost
of production. However, the more efficient producers will likely experience smaller, but
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positive operating returns.
The District's dairy farmers have witnessed quite volatile markets in recent years. Last
year, milk production expanded a little over 2 percent. Although averaging 7 percent
higher for all of last year, milk prices weakened considerably during the latter half of
1992. Prices are expected to lag year-earlier levels for much of 1993 until production is
pulled into better balance with market needs. Earnings of dairy farmers could turn down
this year, reversing some of the gains of last year.
The agricultural sector continues to operate with a vivid awareness of the devastating
setbacks suffered by farmers and agri-business firms as the "agricultural credit crises"
of the 1980s washed out the excesses during the "boom" of the 1970s. The subsequent
improvement in farm earnings and the level and quality of farm debt has been
substantial, placing the industry on much more solid footings for the 1990s. Yet the
actions of farmers and agri-business firms reveal a mood of uncertainty and caution.
This mood is tied in part to the painful memories of the 1980s. It also reflects the
continuing focus on trimming the federal budget deficit and the implications for the
safety net provided in farm income and price support programs. The cautious mood of
farmers is also related to concerns about the longer run prospects for export markets
which are vital to U.S. agriculture. These concerns mostly center on the GATT and
NAFTA negotiations and the changing economies of Eastern Europe and the former
USSR.
The near term prospects for Midwest farmers are somewhat mixed. A record crop
harvest last fall and the ongoing expansion among livestock producers will continue to
weigh heavily on prices of major Midwest farm commodities. Conversely, an expanded
volume of crop and livestock marketings and a sizable increase in government
payments to crop producers will hold gross farm earnings close to last year's relatively
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high level. Farm production costs will likely be flat again this year due to moderating
pressures on input prices and a slight decline in crop acreage.
Industry
The District's economy in January and February of this year has been leading the nation
in many key sectors, particularly manufacturing, retail trade, and housing activity. For
example, the recent gains in District manufacturing have been broad based, with
producers of steel, appliances, autos, and heavy-duty trucks all reporting improvements
as they enter 1993. Appliance producers, in fact, reported a surge in production at the
end of 1992, in part linked to improving housing demand but also to an effort by dealers
to stock up on 1992 models before new energy efficiency standard take effect on newer
models. Steel producers are booking orders as far as two quarters ahead, due to the
desire of some customers to assure deliveries. However, profit margins are depressed
and one producer has scheduled two price increases on cold rolled steel for the first half
of 1993 in hopes of raising the price of a ton of steel above costs. Class 8 heavy-duty
truck producers report that public freight carriers have been ordering trucks in large
quantities since July 1992, with the current order intake rate running at an impressive
180,000 annual unit rate, triggered in part by pent-up demand but also by higher fuel
efficiency standard on new models. Sales of Class 8 trucks in 1992 were up sharply (20
percent) from a year earlier, but only reached 119,000 units, a good improvement from
last year but still well under peak levels of former years. One producer is expecting
sales to reach as high as 160,000 units in 1993 which would be near the previous peak
level in 1988.
Still, a key reason for the strength in manufacturing activity has been the increase in car
and light truck assembly in the fourth quarter of 1992 and first quarter of 1993. If
assembly plans hold for the remainder of the first quarter, the auto industry will have its
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highest (seasonally adjusted) quarter of assemblies in four years, benefiting not only
District assembly plants but the steel, fabricating, and auto-supplier industries located in
the District.
The competitive strength and diversity of District producers among sectors that are
doing relatively well is reflected not only in our direct talks with producers but also in
surveys that provide a broader scope to our District coverage. For example, purchasing
managers' surveys from around the District are providing a direct confirmation of what
corporate executives are reporting. The production components of purchasing
managers' surveys from around the District, including Detroit, indicate moderately
expanding production activity in early 1993. In fact, the production component of the
Chicago survey reached its highest level since 1988. This continuing strength in the
auto and other manufacturing industries should help sustain the District's relatively
favorable showing for retail sales and employment in recent months.
Reports on District retail sales in January and February are indicating continued
strength in spending, following the strong Christmas selling season last year. For
example, a large department store in the District has told us that year-over-year sales
growth has continued, despite the fact that sales were quite strong at this time last year
and weather in February was unseasonably harsh. District gains were concentrated in
seasonal merchandise, household goods, and big-ticket items in general. Several
retailers in Michigan, including the Detroit area, had better than expected sales gains in
January and February. Such gains are in line with government data on growth in
personal income, which showed District states on average doing slightly better than the
national average through the third quarter of 1992 (most recent data available).
Nevertheless, several established retail chains in the District are facing stiff competition
from new discount chains that are aggressively moving into the District--in some cases
occupying buildings left behind by those retail chains that are retrenching.
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The strength in demand for home furnishings and appliances indicated by District
retailers is derived in part from the continuing gains in the District's housing sector. A
major realtor in the Chicago area has told us that single family home sales in January
were the second best January ever for the company, exceeded only by last year when
warm weather combined with a pickup in market share to produce a surge in sales.
February is running ahead of last year, however, so that the year-to-date gap with last
year is quickly closing (again despite the coldest weather of the winter being in
February). For the state of Illinois as a whole, realtors were seeing accelerating existing
home sales through the fourth quarter of last year. A building materials supplier in
Michigan has been experiencing double-digit sales growth in January and reported that
builders in the area expect housing sales in the area to be at double digit rates for 1993.
Employment growth remains the primary concern for the sustainability of the District's,
as well as the nation's, recovery. While employment gains in January and February of
1993 continue to be hard won, various sources of information indicate employment in
the District has continued to increase. For example, the employment component of the
Chicago purchasing managers' survey, after bottoming out in early 1991, reached a fiveyear high in January, and then backed off in February. A January survey of
metalworking firms in the greater Chicago area showed that hiring activity was strong
and some businesses were beginning to find shortages of skilled workers. And, it
should be noted that the recent benchmark revisions for payroll employment in Michigan
showed an upward revision of over 70,000 jobs (which would mean that the state's
employment today is about half of the way back to its pre-recession peak rather than
virtually flat over the recovery as indicated from the original data). Finally, Manpower
Inc., which surveys businesses quarterly, reported a net increase in the number of
midwestern firms expecting to hire workers in the second quarter of 1993 of 18 percent,
compared to 16 percent in the nation as a whole. Most firms in the District were more
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optimistic in the latest Manpower report, with even Michigan firms expecting more hiring
activity (with the exception of those located in Detroit).
Figure 32
Hiring plans
Net percent reporting increases
25----------------------------,
Midwest
20
15 .~
I
I
-5
-10 80
81
2
83
7
88
89
0
91
92
Despite these indicators of an employment pickup, most large businesses in the District
either have hiring freezes in place or are actively downsizing their workforce. Overtime
is running at high levels and demand for temporary help is strong. But the decisions to
hire permanent workers are being made sparingly and with the greatest reluctance and
will continue to be until the recovery shows greater staying power than it has to date.
The recent announcement by Dow Chemical in Midland, Michigan, of pending layoffs,
however, still illustrates the problem of job creation.
While the auto industry has been a boost to the District's economy recently, it may also
be a source of instability due to the concern that car sales will not match industry
expectations of 13.5-14 million units in 1993 (as much as a one million increase in unit
sales of cars and light trucks over 1992). Auto production for the second quarter of
1993 is expected to above year-ago rates, but could show a decline from the seasonally
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adjusted annual rate in the first quarter. One reason is that Ford and Chrysler will be
closing plants earlier than usual to make model changeovers.
How much of a cutback in auto production occurs in the second quarter will ultimately
be determined by auto sales strength. In the first two months of 1993, light truck sales
have been quite strong, with mid-February ten-day sales rates at over 5.0 million units
(annual rates), compared to last quarter's near record sales rate of 4.8 million units.
However, car sales have been a different story. Car sales have been running at about
6.4 million units through mid-February (except for the first ten-days of January), which is
about equal to the fourth quarter rate and in the last ten-day period, car and light truck
sales slumped to 5.5 million units for cars and light trucks to 3.8 million units, which
industry analysts attribute to consumer concerns about higher taxes. Still, Big 3
producers are better positioned to increase their market share than in the past, in part
because imports have been increasing prices at a faster pace than the Big Three and in
part because Big Three quality has generally improved. Still, sales will have to increase
in the second quarter if the industry is to maintain second quarter production schedules.
While it is encouraging that retail sales in general have not experienced a retrenchment
on the part of the consumer, one has to believe that new sources of disposable income
through employment growth will be needed to sustain growth in consumer spending.
In assessing the role of the Seventh District economy in the current environment, it must
be remembered that the Seventh District's economy has been playing an unaccustomed
role in the national economy in the early 1990s--that of a stabilizing force in economic
growth. In the past, the District has been highly cyclical, accounting for much of the
nation's job losses in recession and much of the job gains in the early stages of
recovery. To be sure, the District's cyclicality was augmented by the long term decline
of its manufacturing sector. The District's manufacturing sector is no longer shrinking
and may indeed be regaining some of the market share lost in past years. And, its
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improved competitiveness may also be making its cyclical industries less sensitive to
cyclical swings in the national economy. This is because the District's cyclical industries
are better able to hold on to market share (due to their improved competitiveness) than
in the past. Moreover, the District should be less directly impacted by the defense
industry cutbacks. However, because the District is vulnerable to a sudden downturn, if
the national economy weakens, I would be cautious about relying too much on the
District's economy to be an engine of economic expansion indefinitely.
Monetary Policy: Meeting the Challenges
Recognizing the problems confronting the District, I have consistently favored monetary
policy actions that would foster financial conditions necessary for sustainable economic
growth. It has been obvious from our continuing and extensive contacts in the District
that the economy would need assistance to deal with the significant structural drags on
job creation and growth. It has also been clear that the needed adjustments would be
painful, but a vital, growing national economy cannot be assured as long as there are
significant financial and industrial imbalances. Restructuring has resulted in major gains
in productivity for District firms. But as much as productivity gains are needed to
maintain competitiveness and promote long term economic growth in our District, there
is a continuing concern about what this means for job creation and the income gains
necessary to generate improved standards of living.
In my view, the role of monetary policy in this environment is to provide a financial
environment that will assist in correcting the financial imbalances and restructuring
issues discussed above. The basic goal of monetary policy must be to maximize the
economic well being of the nation as a whole. This means promoting financial
conditions consistent with maximum sustainable growth. Specifically it is my view that it
is incumbent upon monetary policy to maintain a level of sustainable growth in the
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economy accompanied by sufficient job creation to absorb new workers, and sufficient
investment to insure our ability to produce and compete in today's global economy. This
is not to say that we can or should ignore other aspects of our environment such as
inflation or other signals of long term problems, but that these conditions need to be
considered in light of the real performance of the economy.
As you well know, our economy over the last few years has been experiencing
significant difficulties in maintaining an adequate rate of real growth. Economic
progress has been uneven both across regions and industries. Economic statistics
during this period have not always provided sufficient information to form an adequate
picture of the economy. In this environment I have, consequently, tended to rely heavily
on information from our Boards of Directors in Chicago and Detroit, our Small Business
and Agriculture Advisory Councils, groups of industry observers meeting with us,
frequent individual contacts with District firms and continued participation in regional
economic development groups in all of our District states, as well as major contacts
through the Council of Great Lakes Governors and the Council of Great Lake Industries.
These types of contacts both in the Seventh District and elsewhere in the Federal
Reserve System are extremely helpful in the formulation of monetary policy. As I see it,
examination of District conditions is an important tool in keeping the monetary policy
process in touch with challenges faced by the economy.
The most recent economic downturn provides a graphic illustration of exactly why it is
so important to keep policy firmly grounded to local business conditions. Given the low
level of inventories, the quick response by firms to the shortfall in demand, and falling
interest rates, both economic theory and most forecasting models suggested that the
recession should have ended quickly and that without any additional policy actions the
economy should have experienced a solid bounce back in jobs and growth.
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It was our contact with local businesses, banks, and other groups that suggested that
the recovery was much slower than usual getting started and was likely to be fragile.
The debt build up of the sos and the substantial requirements to restructure
corporations that had grown larger than their markets could sustain were going to
generate a significant drag on economic activity. Interest rates were reduced well in
advance of the slowdown and continued to ease over this period despite periodic
indications that the economy was on the verge of taking off.
Since mid-1989, the FOMC has taken actions that resulted in the Federal Funds rate
falling from a high of 9 7/8 percent to 3 percent today, a reduction of over 675 basis
points. The discount rate and the three month treasury bill rates are at their lowest
levels since 1963 and the thirty year bond which has a somewhat shorter history is at its
lowest rate in history. I believe that without the types of district concerns and contacts
that keep the policy process in tune with the underlying economy, far less would have
been done and the economy would have faced a far harsher retrenchment. Remember
that economists basing their analysis entirely on economic statistics would have us
believe that the recovery began in early 1991. While this is correct in a statistical sense,
contact with the District suggested that the recovery was much slower getting started
than usual and that continued policy actions were necessary.
Monetary policy needs to remain sensitive to current economic conditions and
challenges. Policy must take into account the whole range of economic experiences
and special characteristics of each period. Inflation posed major problems for long term
growth in the early 1980s. Today, in my assessment we are operating in an economic
environment that could be described as approaching price stability. In the current
environment, job creation and balance sheet restructuring are the major challenges
facing monetary policy. This is not a change in philosophy or goals, but a simple
recognition of what today's problems are versus yesterday's. At today's 3 percent
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inflation rate, inflation does not represent the same type of threat to the economy that it
did at 10 percent. But we should not forget that this very significant improvement in
inflation was achieved at a very high cost in both human and economic terms and that if
growth were allowed to exceed its long run potential for an extended period of time that
inflation would return. Generating the maximum sustainable growth rate for the
economy must remain the primary and essential mission of monetary policy.
In conclusion, I would like to re-iterate that while I am guardedly optimistic about the
economy both in my District and in the nation, it is the issues of structural impediments
to growth and job creation, in terms of debt levels, international competition, and other
issues of restructuring that dominate the economic landscape. If we continue to make
progress on these fundamental issues and begin to see an increase in employment
levels, the economic outlook for the next few years is quite positive.
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Cite this document
APA
Silas Keehn (1993, March 9). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19930310_silas_keehn
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19930310_silas_keehn,
author = {Silas Keehn},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1993},
month = {Mar},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19930310_silas_keehn},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}