speeches · March 4, 1993
Regional President Speech
Robert T. Parry · President
Academic Conference Robert T. Parry, President
Stanford University Fedrl. Rsrve. Bank of S.F.
For Delivery March 5, 1993
Banks and Bank Regulation in the Current Economic Environment
I. The San Francisco Fed is very pleased to co-sponsor this
conference on Stabilization Policy with Stanford University,
and I want to welcome you all here.
A. When I addressed the Fed's Academic Conference in the
Fall of 1991, the economic recovery was very much in
question, and it looked like a key downside risk was
the unusual weakness in bank lending.
1. The concern then was that the weakness in bank
lending was being driven by stiffer bank
regulation.
2. Therefore, bank regulation was thought to be
working against monetary policy efforts to
stimulate economic activity.
B. Since then, the economy has managed a sustained,
moderate expansion, which looks as though it will
continue.
1. So it seems that, in general, monetary policy has
had the intended effects.
C. But there's still a view that many borrowers are shut
out of the markets by banks that are reluctant to lend,
and that stiffer regulation is the reason why.
1. For example, last year, banks' profits were, for
the most part, strong,
2. but total bank loans increased by less than half a
percent.
3. At the same time, banks' holdings of government
securities soared by almost 18 percent!
D. So there's a lot of interest in finding ways to get
banks to do more lending,
1. including giving bank regulatory policy itself
countercyclical features.
E. In my comments,
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1. I'd like to go over some of the factors that have
affected bank lending, including regulations.
2. And then I'll make some observations concerning
the debate about bank regulation and economic
stabilization.
II. When we talk about unusual weakness in bank lending, it's
important to note that it doesn't cut across all categories
of loans.
A. For example, home mortgage credit at banks continues to
expand.
B. The areas of bank credit that have been especially weak
are commercial real estate loans, construction loans,
and commercial and industrial (C&I) loans.
C. We don't have to look very far to find developments
that explain weak lending in these areas.
1. The commercial real estate bubble of the 1980s has
burst, bringing high vacancy rates, low rents, and
high default rates into the 1990s.
2. And problem construction loans at commercial banks
for the U.S. as a whole are running at about 17
percent of total construction loans.
a. In California, the figure is over 20 percent.
3. For C&I loans, the factors that could explain the
weakness in lending over the last few years are as
long as your arm:
a. For one thing, demand was no doubt dampened
by the relatively slow pace of the recovery.
b. But the weakness in business loans can't be
explained by the pace of economic activity
alone.
(1) For example, innovations like just-in-
time inventory management probably have
dampened demand for credit.
(2) It's also been suggested that businesses
have been retrenching from the debt
buildup of the 1980s.
(3) Furthermore, many firms have shifted
away from short-term financing,
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including bank loans, and toward bond
and equity financing.
(4) And I think we should note that the
decline in C&I loans also probably
reflects a longer-term trend, where
banks are competing with other financial
intermediaries and the commercial paper
market for C&I loans.
D. These factors suggest that a good part of the weakness
in bank lending reflects a variety of adjustments
going on more generally in the economy.
1. Now, of course, the effects of these adjustments
may be amplified through feedback from the credit
sector to the economy.
2. But the developments I've cited don't seem to
represent shocks coming from the supply of bank
credit itself.
III. It is argued, however, that such shocks have come from
changes in bank regulation.
A. This is a possibility I'd like to focus on.
IV. One area of change has been capital regulation.
A. One of the high profile changes, of course, has been
the adoption of the Basle risk-based capital standards.
1. The principle behind the standards is sound: More
capital should be held against riskier
investments.
2. The actual implementation of the principle so far,
however, only takes account of default risk.
a. For example, in calculating total risk-
adjusted assets, Treasury securities get a
weight of zero, and home mortgages a weight
of 50 percent, while business loans get a
weight of 100 percent.
B. As we heard this morning, there are a number of reasons
why this kind of an arrangement seems like a natural
for leading banks toward Treasuries and away from
certain loans.
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1. But the empirical evidence still leaves some
puzzles about the effects of the Basle standards.
a. For example, the Fed's latest "Monetary
Report to the Congress” finds very little to
link individual bank's risk-based capital
ratios to the growth in their securities.
(1) This seems to be consistent with the
evidence presented this morning, which
shows that banks across the board have
increased their share of assets with a
zero risk weighting.
b. The Report also points out that asset
accumulation at credit unions—which aren't
subject to the Basle standards—also has been
concentrated in government securities.
V. Other evidence, though, focuses on another important capital
ratio that's different from the Basle risk-based standards,
and it does suggest that capital regulation has had some
impact on lending.
A. This ratio, the "leverage ratio," is the ratio of the
book value of equity to the book value of assets and is
not adjusted for risk.
1. Essentially, it's a supplement to the Basle
capital standards, since they currently take into
account only default risk.
B. Constraints from so-called leverage ratios appear to
have been a special problem in New England, where
commercial banks took large hits to capital.
C. Some banks in other parts of the country also felt
constrained by their capital positions in late 1989 and
into the 199 0s, due in part to recent supervisory
pressure to increase capital over and above the
required minimums.
1. In Fed surveys, for example, banks report that
capital constraints are at least part of the
reason that they've tightened credit standards.
2. Also, a number of studies find a positive and
significant relationship between leverage ratios
and bank lending in recent years.
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3. And research done at the San Francisco Fed
suggests that the effect of the leverage ratio on
lending increased in the 1990s,
a. which is consistent with the greater emphasis
on capital regulation in recent years.
D. In terms of the current situation, X should mention
that capital requirements probably are less
constraining, in part because banks have increased
capital quite a bit.
1. The aggregate equity-to-asset ratio rose from
around 6.5 percent in late 1990 to 7.5 percent in
late 1992, the highest level since the mid-1960s.
2. This rise has occurred as a result of higher
earnings as well as the issuance of new
securities.
VI. Compared with capital regulation, a lot more heat currently
is being generated over the issue of so-called "character
loans."
A. The argument is that examiners are limiting the scope
of "character loans"
1. by requiring more loan documentation,
2. and by putting more emphasis on borrowers' cash
flows.
a. One of my favorite stories is about a loan
that was criticized because the borrower's
cash flow was inadequate, even though it was
a reverse mortgage!
B. This issue has gotten a lot of attention, and efforts
are afoot to give well-capitalized banks more leeway in
making character loans to small businesses.
1. For my own part, I'm not sure how much this will
boost lending.
2. It seems to me that if constraints on character
loans were a major factor,
a. then we'd expect to see the weakness mainly
at smaller banks, which typically make such
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b. and not so much at larger banks, with their
centralized loan operations.
3. But the fact is, we see weak lending at banks of
all sizes.
VII. I do think, though, that regulation has had some effect, and
that capital regulation in particular has made some
difference to the extension of bank credit.
A. The greater emphasis on capital regulation and
controlling overall risk in banking does depart from
the past, when forbearance was common.
B. On the margin, the new regulatory orientation could
intensify the role of the credit channel in
transmitting shocks.
1. This point is at the crux of the public debate
over the role of banks in the situation we face
now—that is, where many of the negative shocks,
such as those I mentioned earlier, seem to have
been mainly nonmonetary.
a. Do you ease bank regulation in the face of
high problem loan ratios and reduced
creditworthiness of some borrowers to make
credit more available?
b. Or do you continue to control overall risk in
banking and potentially end up reducing
credit to segments of the economy?
C. My own view on this debate is that there are some areas
where we clearly need to re-evaluate our regulations.
1. A good example would be to drop the leverage ratio
once other aspects of risk are built into the
risk-based capital standards.
2. And I can also think of some provisions of FDICIA
that could make for bad policy.
a. A prime example is the attempt to micro
manage banks by requiring regulators to set
operating standards in areas like
compensation and information systems.
3. And I don't think the supervisory process should
wring all of the risk out of bank lending.
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D. But I do think that there are some very good reasons to
stick to our guns on capital requirements.
1. On the theoretical side,
a. recent research suggests that an unregulated,
uninsured banking system would be subject to
qualitatively the same type of discipline
that strict adherence to capital standards
provides.
b. That is, uninsured depositors would require
undercapitalized banks to shift their
portfolios away from risky assets—like
business loans—and toward safe assets.
2. Then there's recent history to remind us of the
downside of forbearance.
a. I hope we learned a lesson from the 1980s,
when the Congress and regulators bent over
backwards to keep financially troubled
thrifts open:
b. The lesson is that regulatory forbearance can
be an expensive fiscal policy, and one that
leads to an inefficient allocation of
resources.
c. It's a lesson we shouldn't forget.
E. In conclusion, my view is that we need to maintain a
firm and consistent regulatory posture,
1. and avoid the temptation to make countercyclical
adjustments to regulatory policy.
wc 1700
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Cite this document
APA
Robert T. Parry (1993, March 4). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19930305_robert_t_parry
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19930305_robert_t_parry,
author = {Robert T. Parry},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1993},
month = {Mar},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19930305_robert_t_parry},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}