speeches · May 6, 1991
Regional President Speech
Robert P. Forrestal · President
CCo\or^o t
REFORMING THE U.S. BANKING SYSTEM
Remarks by Robert P. Forrestal, President
Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta
To the Georgia Bankers Association
May 7, 1991
Good morning! I am pleased and honored to appear once again before the Georgia
Bankers Association. I have been asked to give you my perspective on two key elements of the
Treasury’s proposal for reforming the U.S. banking system-interstate banking and the impact
of other reform proposals on monetary policy. I have strong views on both of those topics, and
they are based on what I believe needs to be done to improve our financial system in the long
run. Unfortunately, we Americans have a tendency to take a short-term view of important
issues. In the public policy arena this view too often has led us to address our problems with
measures that treat symptoms and leave the underlying causes to generate new problems in a few
years. Given the keystone role that banking plays in our economy, I think it is particularly
important that we react to the Treasury’s proposal with a keen awareness of underlying causes
and the linkages among solutions put forward.
As I see it, one of the fundamental conditions underlying current problems in the financial
services industry is that we simply have too many banks relative to the number of sound loan
prospects. The resulting loss of profitability is taking a toll on the industry-especially among
the largest and smallest institutions. Overcapacity has a number of causes. However, the one
that policymakers need to address first is the deposit insurance system. Narrowing the deposit
insurance safety net is only one of four interrelated steps that I believe are necessary to improve
the competitive position of U.S. banks. The second is to introduce more market discipline by
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bolstering capital levels and reducing the role of government subsidies and regulation. The third
is establishing a regime of prompt and predictable supervisory action to be taken when capital
falls below stipulated levels. And, fourth, we need to give banks the option of diversifying into
new products as well as different geographical locations. While I believe product deregulation
is contingent upon the first three changes, I believe we could—and should-move quickly toward
full interstate banking which, in this context, really means interstate branching.
Repairing the Deposit Insurance System
Before discussing in detail this last reform-as well as your other concern regarding the
impact of various Treasury proposals on monetary policy-I would like to review these other legs
of banking reform, starting with deposit insurance. As you know, deposit insurance was
designed to protect the banking industry from systemic runs—on weak and sound banks alike.
It has performed this function well, but in so doing it also reduces the incentive for depositors
to monitor the soundness of the banks where they deposit their funds. Larger depositors as well
as some other technically uninsured creditors have relaxed their vigilance when they have
believed that a bank is "too big to fail." Because they are shielded from true market discipline
by this explicit and implicit safety net, financial institutions can take on added risk without
paying depositors and other creditors a return that truly reflects that added risk.
The inducement to greater risk-taking that the deposit insurance safety net brings does not
greatly affect well capitalized institutions—they have too much to lose. However, it is especially
strong for those institutions on the edge of failure. In these cases, the higher gains associated
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with higher risk go to equity holders, while the losses are borne by the insurance funds and,
ultimately, by the taxpayers. Unlike the thrift industry, banking has so far escaped major
damage from this perverse effect of deposit insurance, in no small measure because banks are
generally better capitalized than S&Ls. However, the deposit insurance subsidy continues to
attract still more institutions to an already overbanked market.
Of course, deposit insurance did not by itself create overcapacity in banking. The
numerical problem is more a result of competition from nonbanks, combined with improvements
in technology and other innovations that have increased banks’ productivity. When banks found
they were losing market share to the nonbanks offering higher rates to depositors, many
attempted to increase their traditional emphasis on personal service by building a large number
of offices. By the time deregulation allowed banks to offer market interest rates, advancing
communications technology had reduced the importance of physical facilities. Thus, a large
number of those additional offices became superfluous even while their costs lingered on as a
drag on profits.
More recently, though, the tendency toward overcapacity has been exacerbated by deposit
insurance. This subsidy attracted a large number of U.S.-based entrants to our already crowded
banking system. Once they had entered, they discovered it was difficult to leave if profits
proved meager. The unique position of banks in the financial and payments system means that
a closing must be supervised. Since exit from the system takes so long, banks that might
otherwise go out of business add to the excessive number of institutions. Moreover, overbanking
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tends to drive margins below those consistent with long-term profitability. In this way, the
insurance system is inadvertently helping to push more banking institutions toward difficulties.
Clearly, we want our future financial system to eliminate the ill effects of deposit
insurance while preserving the insurance system’s positive contributions. I do not believe that
the cost of insuring individual accounts up to $100,000 is too great for assuring banking stability
and consumer confidence. However, restricting the number of insured accounts that can be held
at a given institution, as the Treasury has proposed, is certainly worth considering. Most
important is the need for policymakers to reduce the deposit insurance subsidy in ways that
sharply lower the risks now posed to taxpayers. The kind of risk-based deposit insurance
premiums that the Treasury Department has recommended is one way of doing this. However,
I believe that we also need to instill in the industry a greater reliance on market discipline.
Increased capital levels are the most important way of increasing the role of the marketplace
while at the same time lessening the threat that problem institutions pose to the insurance fund.
Higher Capital and Prompt Intervention
Of course, policy has already begun to move in the direction of higher capital ratios by
the agreement among international regulators to institute risk-based capital standards. Most U.S.
institutions have already made the adjustments required for the fully implemented standards of
1992. However, I believe even higher minimum levels of capital are called for, especially for
institutions that want to take on additional activities.
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Higher capital levels would create a larger buffer between mistakes even the best bankers
can make and their need to draw on the insurance fund. Higher capital requirements also move
us in the direction of relying more on market discipline. Banks would have to be able to
convince market participants that their investments would be rewarded, and those that could not
do this would obviously not be able to expand. If greater emphasis on noninsured debt
instruments were also instituted, it seems to me that the resulting market discipline would be
sufficient to insulate the industry as well as taxpayers.
The corollary to higher capital is supervisory oversight that would require institutions and
regulators to take immediate steps, including liquidation when necessary, when capital ratios fall
below established thresholds. This is the third result I would like to see emerge from the
Treasury’s initiative. In fact, a more formal program of progressive action keyed to capital
levels could be instituted quite readily using the risk-based standards now in effect, with
thresholds ratcheted up as higher capital standards are set.
These two reforms could even lessen the need to apply the "too-big-to-fail" doctrine. It
is an unfortunate but inescapable fact that some institutions are deemed to be too big to be
allowed to fail because their collapse would pose a systemic risk. However, with higher capital
requirements and mandatory closure, presumably every institution would have a capital cushion
to make good on its obligations if it became necessary to close it. Thus, the costs of the collapse
and liquidation of the largest banks would be minimized.
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Expanded Product and Geographic Powers
After reducing the deposit insurance subsidy and bolstering banks’ capital, I believe we
should allow a general expansion of bank powers. I would include, for example, underwriting
corporate debt and equity issues. In fact, the Fed has begun to allow well capitalized holding
companies to engage in these activities on a case-by-case basis within the narrow limitations in
present law. For that matter, there is no reason why a bank holding company should be
prohibited from engaging in any business consistent with its expertise if the lines between insured
and uninsured activities are properly drawn and if capital is adequate.
One other change that could enhance banks’ competitiveness would be the institution of
nationwide interstate banking. In effect, of course, we already have interstate banking. All but
two states, Hawaii and Montana, have legislation that now allow for a greater or lesser degree
of interstate banking. This state-mandated patchwork helps banks achieve some of the market
diversification that they need, but it is clearly not the most efficient way of going about it. The
bank holding company structure requires separately capitalized subsidiaries, and this anachronistic
provision leads to redundant layers of management as well as boards of directors.
It is difficult to justify these additional costs in the name of states’ rights in banking,
particularly at a time when we need to find ways of bolstering bank profitability. I believe that
the dual system of state and national banking charters should be preserved, but I think we can
bring more rationality to the system and lower costs as well by going directly to nationwide
interstate branching. If holding companies could convert their subsidiaries into branches, they
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could move to consolidate their corporate and operational structures. This would be a relatively
quick way toward reducing some of the overcapacity that plagues the industry and thereby
enhance banking profitability.
I know that numerous bankers-especially in the small- to medium-sized range-are
worried that liberalized interstate regulations would have a negative impact on their local
markets. Frankly, though, I believe that most community banks, especially those outside of
metropolitan areas, have already experienced whatever major changes interstate banking might
be expected to bring. Superregionals from outside the Southeast and the money center banks do
not appear to me to be overly enthusiastic about acquiring small Georgia banks. Most are
probably not interested in being minor players in metropolitan markets. Moreover, even if they
wanted to come in, it is not clear that additional out-of-state organizations would be any more
effective as competitors than the major statewide Georgia firms. In this regard, limitations on
intrastate branching, which have important implications for defining the markets of community
bankers, would remain on the books under the Treasury proposal.
I might add that smaller banks should view interstate banking as one thread in an entire
fabric of regulatory reform that also includes, as I have already mentioned, greater latitude in
product powers as well. I envision the small bank of the future as being able to provide its long
time local market with new services like insurance, real estate, and stock brokerage. Such a full-
service provider would be better able to withstand outside competitors. In addition, beyond the
very smallest banks, community banks are among the best capitalized in the nation today. Thus,
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they will not have to experience some of the profound balance-sheet adjustments my approach
to industry restructuring would necessitate for many of their potential interstate rivals. All told,
there are numerous reasons to proceed to nationwide interstate branching.
Potential Effects of Treasury Proposals on Monetary Policy
Let me conclude by discussing the potential effects of the Treasury’s bill on monetary
policy. As I see it, nothing in the four aspects of banking reform I have just discussed would
change the way the Fed conducts monetary policy. Yet, even though the Treasury proposal is
not directed at monetary policy, two of the proposal’s features could have important monetary
policy implications if enacted. One is the concept to recapitalize the Bank Insurance Fund by
borrowing from the Federal Reserve. The second is the proposed reapportionment of regulatory
authority between the Fed and the Treasury.
With regard to BIF recapitalization, let me begin by stating emphatically that the fund
must have adequate resources to provide for contingencies as we make the transition to a fully
restructured system. I believe that banks should contribute to rebuilding the fund, but I also
recognize that the maximum contribution we can expect from banks is limited. Increases in
deposit insurance premiums are subject to the law of diminishing returns. I am concerned about
the impact that the potential costs of further premium increases could have on an already troubled
industry. In addition, excessively high premiums are unfair to the many healthy, well run banks
that have consistently paid premiums greater than the value they have received from deposit
insurance.
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To avoid such near-term burdens on the banking industry, I agree with Treasury that the
best strategy for recapitalization is to take down loans and repay them with future premiums.
What is troubling about the Treasury proposal is the concept that the Fed should be the source
of those loans. It is important to remember that borrowing from either the Fed or the Treasury
has precisely the same budgetary implications. And, in order to avoid monetary policy
implications, the Fed would have to match any loans it might make with the sale of Treasury
securities. So capital markets would be called upon to absorb additional securities whether loans
to the BIF originated from the Federal Reserve or the Treasury.
I am most concerned that this approach might create the perception of change in a very
fundamental part of our central bank’s structure, to wit, its independence in the conduct of
monetary policy. The proposal implies that the Fed should directly fund government activities,
and this is something Congress has sought to limit since the beginning of the Federal Reserve
System. Because of that philosophy, the Treasury must accept market discipline whenever it
sells its debt. Thus, the way in which both the Fed and the Treasury operate through the open
market strikes a crucial balance between monetary and fiscal policy. Historically, the only
occasions on which that balance has been altered were during wartime, and I do not believe that
the condition of the banking industry presents us with a crisis of that magnitude. Thus, I think
it would be unwise to opt for BIF recapitalization through Federal Reserve loans.
A second, and probably more substantial problem for the conduct of monetary policy is
embedded in the proposal to redraw the lines of regulatory oversight. The Treasury bill would
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make the Fed the primary regulator of state-chartered banks and suggests a new federal agency
to regulate nationally chartered banks and thrifts. State-chartered banks, of course, are
significantly smaller on average than the national banks, and the removal of the Fed from the
oversight of the largest institutions could raise difficulties for the Fed’s other responsibilities in
monetary policy and in the payments system as well. The Fed’s success at monetary-policy
making derives in no small measure from synergies between bank supervision and the application
of our macroeconomic tools. The information we receive from the examination process is a vital
supplement to the data provided by financial markets and economic reports. In return, our desire
to achieve macroeconomic stability reinforces our interest in maintaining a safe and sound
banking system. Were we to lose that layer of perspective provided by our regulatory
relationship with the big banks, I fear our ability to fashion monetary policy would become
considerably more difficult.
In addition, the time of transactions in the payments system is becoming more compressed
daily, even as the size of those transactions is amplified. These exchanges have also long since
become international in nature, meaning their successful completion carries implications for both
financial and foreign exchange markets. On the one hand, the failure of a large institution at any
time could leave the System exposed with regard to significant outstanding balances. On the
other, the international risk requires the coordination of the Fed and other central banks. Again,
it is critical for the Fed to be intimately aware of any developing problem that could raise such
dangers. Therefore, I think serious study of these issues is required before the regulatory map
is redrawn in any way. There is one final shortcoming to the regulatory reform proposal. It
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does not pertain to monetary policy, but it is fundamental. Namely, the proposal does not really
achieve the basic goal of simplifying the industry’s regulatory framework. Merely rearranging
regulatory relationships offers banks little in the way of efficiency gains. Thus, any benefits the
legislation would bring are, in my mind, clearly outweighed by its costs.
Conclusion
In conclusion, I think the Treasury proposal has brought us to a moment of great
opportunity. We have the chance to make constructive changes that can assure U.S. banks a
prominent place in the global financial services market. However, every opportunity carries
costs as well. There are the immediate costs of BIF recapitalization and the longer term costs
of boosting industry capital. We must also find ways to work through a reduction in banking
overcapacity. Bankers, policymakers, and the public must accept these costs and avoid the even
greater costs that could be associated with quick fixes and incomplete solutions. To me, it is
vital that we use the Treasury proposal as a compass pointing toward a comprehensive
restructuring of the banking industry. I believe we are now facing in the right direction; it is
time for us to step forward and forge a banking system that will work for the 1990s and the
twenty-first century.
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Cite this document
APA
Robert P. Forrestal (1991, May 6). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19910507_robert_p_forrestal
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19910507_robert_p_forrestal,
author = {Robert P. Forrestal},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1991},
month = {May},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19910507_robert_p_forrestal},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}