speeches · May 29, 1990
Regional President Speech
Robert P. Forrestal · President
THE CHANGING GLOBAL ECONOMY
Remarks by Robert P. Forrestal, President
Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta
To the Annual Meeting of the Georgia Council on Economic Education
May 30, 1990
Good afternoon! It is a pleasure and an honor for me to have the opportunity to
speak to the Georgia Council on Economic Education. I have been a Council trustee for
three years, and I have been proud to be associated with David Martin and all of the rest
of you during that period. I believe that this organization has done an excellent job of
raising the level of understanding of economics in Georgia, and I am not alone in this
opinion. The Georgia Council has achieved a reputation among educators throughout the
country as one of the most active and innovative councils in the nation. Such acclaim is
particularly gratifying at a time when we are grappling with numerous problems in our
schools here. Thus, in addition to conveying specific information about economics to
Georgia's teachers and students, the Council also sets an admirable example of quality
that other parts of our educational system can emulate.
I know that in the past several years, the various centers for economic education
around the state have experienced an increased demand for materials on international
economics and have included discussions of this subject in summer workshops. Clearly,
events of enormous magnitude are taking place in the international economy on a fairly
regular basis, and I would like to share with you some of my thoughts on the changing
global economy and the implications these changes might hold for the United States. The
central theme of my remarks will be the melding of the world's individual markets into a
single marketplace of global proportions. I believe this process will prove beneficial to
the United States along with all other market participants. Nonetheless, I am gravely
concerned about a renewed wave of protectionism that could engulf the global market
before its full potential is realized. A closely related issue is the low U.S. savings rate
relative to our investment and financing needs, a disparity which has turned us into the
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world's largest debtor.
Thus, addressing our insufficient savings and our protectionist tendencies represent
two challenges for U.S. leadership in the global market. If we are to exercise world
leadership in stemming the latter, clearly what is called for is a different type of
leadership than the military and economic roles we have played so often in the past.
Instead, at this point in time I think we have an opportunity—and an obligation—to
provide the world an example of how a nation can free itself from a parochial, culture-
bound worldview and attain a truly global economic and political perspective. In our
case, such a process of evolution entails shedding the remnants of the traditional U.S.
isolationism that I feel contributes to our penchant for protectionism and, to a certain
extent, our tendency to save too little as a nation. I would like to talk about these
challenges and suggest ways we might meet them. First, however, let me begin by
describing some of the opportunities I foresee in today's increasingly linked international
marketplace.
Opportunities in the Global Market
As those of you who teach economics are well aware, a single market of global
proportions is replacing the more fragmented international trading system of the past,
and this bodes well for the future. In general, as more countries join the international
trading community, production of goods and services can be redistributed among market
participants so that each country is better able to exploit its unique comparative
advantages. When a country diverts its energies from products it does not make as well
as other nations and emphasizes instead the things it does best, it increases its efficiency
in using labor and materials. The net effect of such structural shifts in a worldwide
market would eventually be to raise the incomes of everyone involved. For this reason
we can expect the rate of growth in the world’s wealth to accelerate as countries like
Taiwan and Korea—and, coming along behind them, Thailand and Indonesia—assume a
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greater role in world trade.
Two areas in which the pace of economic integration has been extraordinary in the
past year or so have been the Eastern Bloc countries and the European Community (EC).
The nations of Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union want and, I believe, will move toward
the political and economic self-determination their Western European neighbors already
enjoy. As they do, they could provide fertile markets for outside goods and services as
well as sources for labor, materials, and technical innovations. Equally important, their
emergence from isolation may mean that the world can begin spending less of its energy
and resources arming for war and more on raising living standards.
Of course, the process of change in the communist bloc may not be smooth in
either an economic or a political sense over the next few years. For one thing, these
countries have no experience with market mechanisms. They also lack convertible
currencies and the financial infrastructure to interact effectively with outside
countries. They have no money and capital markets to funnel savings into investment,
for example, nor do they have effective central banks to keep price pressures in check.
They need an infusion of capital to get started as well. With the exception of East
Germany, though, none of them has backers able to supply the level of assistance
required. Additionally, let us not forget that our hopes outstripped reality last year in
China. Still, I feel the move toward market and political liberalization is inevitable in
the long run in China as well as the rest of the nonmarket economies. There is simply no
way to eliminate the weaknesses from their systems of production without fundamental
reforms.
A second important European story has been the EC's progress toward market
integration at a rate that would have seemed impossible even two years ago. It seems
more certain than ever that in the first few years of this decade Europeans will draw
together into a market with more consumers than in this country. This development will
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have a major impact on the future course of business in Europe and among the EC's
trading partners, including the United States. Most immediately, the dismantling of
barriers to shipping and selling goods should open this large market for the kind of
retailing to which we are accustomed here. Our industries are geared toward large
manufacturing runs that supply products to nationwide retail outlets and distributors with
numerous local accounts. It seems likely that post-1992 Europe will tend toward a
similar market structure, and this shift should prove advantageous to U.S. producers.
Also, freer flows of capital within the EC will probably hasten the consolidation of
industries there. We should see large new firms join the ranks of the multinationals.
Such pan-European giants promise to raise the level of competition in Europe and
eventually in this country as well, benefiting American consumers.
Unfortunately, the industry with which I am most familiar and which plays a
keystone role in our economy-financial services—is being kept from gearing up for the
global market in an optimal way by anachronistic regulations. The major European banks
are allowed to engage in activities from which U.S. banks are prohibited—underwriting
corporate securities, for example. With the relaxation of barriers in 1992, EC banks will
also be able to cross international boundaries more easily than banks here can enter other
states in their own country. By denying our banks opportunities to diversify their
products and expand geographically, we may be hampering their ability to grow to world-
class size.
Multinational corporations are attracted to banks that can offer "one-stop"
convenience for a full array of services—from loans to insurance and underwriting equity
issues—as well as the capacity to handle sizable transactions. Those big international
players may take their business to foreign banks if U.S. banks remain strapped by lack of
uniformity in state and national banking laws and by our failure to complete the task of
bank deregulation in this country. Specifically , I think it is urgent for Congress to
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dismantle the so-called Glass-Steagall restrictions that prevent banks from providing the
types of services now offered by brokerage houses and investment banks and to move
directly to nationwide interstate banking. To set the stage for broader banking powers,
however, lawmakers also must reform our deposit insurance system, which now goes far
beyond the original intention of protecting the savings of individual depositors and
actually encourages excessive risk-taking among bankers. Together, such reforms would
strengthen U.S. banks and allow them to better serve their customers seeking to transact
business overseas.
In sum, I believe the events taking place in the European Community and Eastern
Bloc nations symbolize the progress toward a global marketplace that ultimately holds
the promise of greater and more sustainable growth worldwide—not to mention the
incentive to achieve renewed progress toward financial services industry deregulation in
this country.
Dangers to the Emerging Global Order
However, the process of globalization faces numerous tests before it can be fully
accomplished, and I would like to describe two of the major forces working to the
detriment of greater market integration at the present time. One is our low savings
relative to our financing and investment needs. The second is a resurgence of
protectionist sentiment in this country and abroad.
For a variety of reasons—including spending patterns associated with the unusual
demographic phenomenon known as the "baby boom"—our savings rate as a nation has
been at a relative low point. Consumption by both households and the federal
government has been growing rapidly. We have had to borrow heavily from abroad—to
the point that we have become the world's largest debtor—to meet our investment and
financing needs under these circumstances. The inward flow of foreign capital helped
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alter exchange rates in the mid-1980s to the disadvantage of U.S. products being sold on
world markets. As the dollar reached a peak against the currencies of our trading
partners in 1985, the gap between imports and exports widened to record levels, creating
sizable trade surpluses for some of our trading partners—Japan, Germany, and newly
industrialized countries like Taiwan and Korea in particular.
Even though these surpluses arose largely as a result of domestic U.S.
developments, they have fostered a resurgence of protectionist sentiment that is a
second danger to the continued advance of globalization. I have heard people say several
times in recent weeks: "The cold war may be over, but the trade war has begun." Last
year the United States fired a salvo that sharply escalated trade tensions when it passed
trade legislation with a provision for punishing a "hit-list" of supposedly unfair trading
partners. Emotions also run high in other parts of the world. Some people fear that the
EC market opening could stall at the Atlantic Ocean. Since the basis of the emerging
global economic order is international trade, it goes without saying that the process of
market integration would be severely hampered by a new round of protectionism.
Historically, protectionism has tended to spread and escalate as countries whose products
were discriminated against threw up their own barriers in retaliation.
Nonetheless, there is a large enough constituency for the backward step of
protectionism that I believe we stand at a crossroads in the development of the global
market. In this light, the United States faces two important challenges. One is to
address our savings deficiency with its attendant exacerberation of trade imbalances.
The second is to exert leadership by renouncing the use of protectionism in our own
international trade relations. Thus I would like to round out my remarks this morning
with a few thoughts on these challenges.
Addressing the Problems of Low Savings and Protectionism
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Although they may not seem related at first glance, I feel that our low savings rate
and our susceptibility to protectionism in many ways share some common roots. These
are the unique position in which the United States found itself at the end of World War II
and, beyond that, our traditional isolationist tendencies.
The United States has a long history of isolationism. This theme has surfaced many
times in U.S. history—as the Monroe doctrine in the early 1800s, in Henry James' novels
depicting Americans as pure and innocent in contrast to corrupt, immoral Europeans, and
in the affection for rugged individualists like cowboys and frontiersmen. These remain
an important part of our popular culture and advertising. In the modern U.S. economy
this isolationism has been evident, until recently at least, in our unblinking focus on our
own large domestic markets and widespread indifference to exporting opportunities.
Isolationist sentiment also inspires current threats to close our market to foreign
producers whom we see as acting in ways that are somehow "unfair” to U.S. interests. In
this way, we blame other countries for our trade difficulties and view them as "bad."
Ironically, vestiges of isolationism persisted in the postwar period even though our
leadership in NATO, the Marshall Plan, the United Nations and the like involved us in
more international commitments than ever before. In the 1950s we were actively
engaged in assisting even former enemies recover economically and supporting an
unprecedented military presence around the globe as leader of the Free World's
resistance to the advance of communism. However, the very degree of our dominance in
many of these efforts made it seem as if the rest of the world needed us more than we
needed it. At the same time the extreme tensions of East-West relations polarized our
attitude toward the rest of the world, making us view the communist nations and much of
the developing world with hostility and suspicion. In this respect our involvement in
foreign affairs did not serve to make the United States as outward-looking as many
European and Asian countries.
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In addition, of course, the war did not destroy our productive capacity as it did the
factories and infrastructure of other industrialized nations. Thus, we had no rival in
economic power for a quarter of a century. The United States enjoyed unprecedented
prosperity as we met pent-up demand in our own market and helped repair the damage
abroad. Our wealth stood in sharp contrast to the economic ruin elsewhere. Yet, the
very privation of the recovery period established patterns of economic behavior that
have been helpful to countries in Asia and Europe in recent years. The concept of thrift
and an almost physical aversion to inflation was stamped indelibly onto the minds of
people there. While our trading partners directed their often meager savings toward
investments that enhanced their productivity, Americans built a culture of consumerism
in our booming economy. We consumed well beyond our willingness to save and now have
wound up as the world’s biggest debtors. It is this difference in savings that in large
measure accounts for the ability of countries like Germany and Japan to give us such
stiff competition in automobiles and to take over consumer electronics.
We have agonized over the apparent slippage in our competitiveness in the last
decade, but we have not yet fully acknowledged how much the world has changed.
Europe as well as many parts of Asia have returned to more normal conditions, and they
are vigorous competitors in terms of resources, technology, and capital. Also, advances
in communications and transportation have made physical distance more and more
irrelevant. Even communist states have been unable to withstand the breakdown of
insulation that was possible before technology began to bring the entire world as close as
the nearest telephone. Yet Americans cling to an unrealistic picture of the world,
seemingly under the illusion that the 1950s never ended. More importantly, our
traditional inward and rather self-righteous focus is keeping us from recognizing the key
role our choices about spending and saving play in regard to our persistent trade
imbalances.
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I have drawn a rather fatalistic picture of economics grounded in historical and
cultural traditions. This view does not necessarily leave the United States painted into a
corner with no escape, however. We need not depart from our historical foundations, but
we must redefine our perspective on the world and bring it more into line with current
reality. We need to seek out the positive side of our self-image as a nation—the unique
model we provided and still provide of a truly better way in terms of personal freedom
and equality of economic opportunity. This model drew millions of immigrants to our
shores and more recently inspired much of Eastern Europe's transformation. We exerted
this influence not through proselytizing but by the example of our success.
What we need today to reassert our leadership is not to return to the material and
military dominance of the 1950s, which was surely atypical. Instead we should seek ways
to offer new visions and examples for the rest of the world to emulate. We need leaders
to articulate ideas comparable to the Marshall Plan and the Peace Corps, but relevant to
today's resources and needs, leaders who will reaffirm our long-standing commitments to
free trade as the surest path to higher living standards for all. And, just as in the past
we relied on immigrants to invigorate our society, we should be open to ideas from
abroad. One idea that I would like to begin ''importing" immediately is the importance of
savings.
Conclusion
Let me conclude these rather broad observations by reemphasizing that the global
economy is changing in ways that will ultimately serve the best interests of more of the
world's people than ever before. We stand at an historic juncture. The Cold War is
indeed over, and it is over in large measure because of U.S. leadership in resisting the
dead-end political and economic alternative of communism while championing the spread
of free markets and free societies. However, by making us accustomed to seeing the
world in terms of allies and enemies, the Cold War no doubt helped to polarize our
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thinking about the world outside. Let us not transfer those old patterns of political
hostility to the economic arena of trade. Let us not be so quick to blame others for our
own shortcomings and punish them through protectionism. Instead, we need to take stock
of our own household and address domestic problems like inadequate savings that underlie
so many international disparities and strains. In this way, we can lead the world beyond
this century of destructive conflict and into an era of healthy competition and improved
material well-being for people in all countries.
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Cite this document
APA
Robert P. Forrestal (1990, May 29). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19900530_robert_p_forrestal
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19900530_robert_p_forrestal,
author = {Robert P. Forrestal},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1990},
month = {May},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19900530_robert_p_forrestal},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}