speeches · April 2, 1990
Regional President Speech
W. Lee Hoskins · President
Property Rights and the Rule of Law:
An Economist's Perspective
by W. Lee Hoskins
President, Federal Reserve Bank of CleveHand
at Case Western Reserve University
School of Law
ApriI 3, 1990
The opinions expressed in this paper are entirely
those of the author, except where noted, and do not
necessarily reflect the views of the Federal Reserve
Bank of Cleveland or of the Board of Governors of the
Federal Reserve System.
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Property Rights and the Rule of Law:
An Economist's Perspective
Contents
I . Importance of property rights in a free-market economy
II. How economists today think about property rights
III. Various definitions and the origins of property rights
A. Anglo-Saxon
B. Central European
C. United States Constitution
IV. Importance of the establishment of property rights for the Soviet
Union and recent developments
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I. Importance of property rights in a free-market economy
Lawyers generally learn, by the end of their first or second year of law
school, that the law of property and the conservation of property rights
constitute a large part of the subject matter of the American legal system.
Over the last two centuries, it is fair to state that, albeit imperfectly,
property rights of all types have received a greater and more persistent
degree of protection than under any other competing legal or economic system,
probably more than under any other legal or economic system that ever existed.
Economists often fail to appreciate the importance that property rights
have achieved under American law. All too often, looking at the American
legal system, economists have concluded that, from Teddy Roosevelt's battles
against Mark Hanna and the trusts at the turn of the century until Jimmy
Carter's "special credit restraint" program in the spring of 1980, the
twentieth century has brought forth a virtually unrelieved assault on
classical property rights, with relief finally appearing on the horizon in the
form of Reagan Administration taxation, labor law, and antitrust policies. As
we shall see, that is a bit of an exaggerated notion. It is fair to state
that new forms of or emphases on certain property rights have risen in
influence during this century, while others arguably have declined, but that
an aggregate bundle of property rights remains more or less where we found it
nearly a century ago, in much better condition than 150 or 200 years ago, and
ready for the challenges of the twenty-first century — if we but know how to
preserve or improve that bundle of rights.
Similarly, twentieth-century American lawyers often have tended to give
short shrift to economists' concern for the protection and promotion of
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property rights, especially since great inroads were made into the previously
existing body of American property law by the reforms of the New Deal era and
by the World War II- era controls that were long in expiring.
The reality, and the synthesis between these two competing (but
complementary) points of view, is that each cannot do without the other. Adam
Smith, whose writings were familiar to Jefferson, Madison, Hamilton, and
others among our founding fathers, expressed this notion best, as follows:
Commerce and manufactures can seldom flourish
long in any state which does not enjoy a regular
administration of justice, in which the people do
not feel themselves secure in the possession of
their property, in which the faith of contracts
is not supported by law, and in which the
authority of the state is not supposed to be
regularly employed in enforcing the payment of
debts from all those who are able to pay.
Commerce and manufactures, in short, can seldom
flourish in any state in which there is not a
certain degree of confidence in the justice of
government.
(Adam Smith, The Wealth of Nations. Book V, chapter 3, "Of Public Debts," 441,
445, Edwin Cannan, ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976)). Let it
not be forgotten that Smith, held to be the father of the modern economics
profession, also held a university chair in "moral philosophy," gave lectures
on jurisprudence, and wrote, most of the time, about issues that ought to be
of concern to any business lawyer. Anyway, both lawyers and economists have
to be concerned about property rights: property rights normally are not and
cannot be guaranteed without an effective administration of justice, what I
have called here the "rule of law," and judges ruling on legal actions
affecting property rights have to be concerned with the economic effects of
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those decisions. Laws that reflect no respect for property rights are as vain
as some misguided theoretical attempts, such as those that occur in fascistic
states, to align the most powerful elements of society together with a
suprematist assertion of property rights (to be enjoyed only by those powerful
elements, to be sure), in virtually complete derogation of the common
understanding of the rule of law.
We are still relearning some of the classic economic lessons about
property rights that have been illustrated most vividly recently by events in
Eastern Europe and China: transferable property rights are essential to the
creation and maintenance of anything even vaguely resembling a free-market
economy. Smith held that the three essential elements of human material and
spiritual progress were land, labor, and capital. Economists following Smith
came to understand that property rights in those three things had to be
transferable to be of much use in constructing what we often call today a
capitalistic society, but what would have been called a classically liberal
society until the 1930s — one characterized by free markets (unrestricted
right of entry), the use of price competition to alleviate the pernicious
effects of monopoly or oligopoly, and open trade (avoidance of artificial
international or internal trade barriers, like quotas or tariffs). My
personal preference is for such a view of the world, but for me to be able to
maintain it, the law must cooperate, not so much by intervening in market
processes but, rather, by refraining from intervention. Most intervention
involves the shifting of either property rights or costs from one sector of
the economy to another, and it still remains to be proven that interventionist
outcomes, over time, are either fairer or more efficient than purely
market-determined outcomes. Also, in the absence of transferability of
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property rights, social systems and economies tend to stagnate. Thus, where a
noble class owns all landed property, rarely or never transfers the land to
third parties, and binds all labor to the land, society tends toward a feudal
form of organization in which modern capitalism has great difficulty
existing. The presence of a transferable labor supply, combined with a modest
amount of accumulated capital, still can give rise to a rudimentary form of
capitalism, much like that described by the writings of Adam Smith, Voltaire,
and others among their contemporaries in eighteenth-century Britain and
France. Similar levels of social development exist in modern Latin America,
the Soviet Union, and other parts of the developing world, even while land
tends to be nontransferable and still is held in more or less feudal form, or
is owned entirely by the state. But modern, efficient forms of capitalism
seem capable of evolving fully only where property rights in land also become
transferable, as generally is the case in North America and Western Europe.
Before continuing this discussion, in order to clarify our terms a bit, I
mean to clarify our definitions by stating that the term "property rights"
means such concepts as ownership, possession, or legal title to an object or
thing, including certain classes of intangible things, like the right to
receive payments of money. Two elements of pr ivate property rights are
essential: (1) the exclusive rights of an individual to use his resources as
he sees fit (as long as he does not violate someone else's rights); and (2)
the ability of individuals to transfer or exchange these rights on a voluntary
basis. The weakness of modern economic analysis, and I hope that I am strong
enough to overcome this weakness, is to overlook or ignore the essentiality of
voluntarv exchange as the basis of effective property rights: often,
economists merely assume that, an exchange of a bundle of property rights
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renders a person better off materially, then that exchange is a valid one,
even if it was involuntary. Such lines of thinking tend to point in the
direction of central planning, Benthanite utilitarianism, and the like, and
make it quite difficult for typical academic, business, or governmental
economists to remember that exchanges of property rights are legitimate only
if they are voluntary.
Purchases and sales of property, goods and services are merely exchanges
of bundles of rights in that property or those goods and services. If a
bundle of rights, or its transferability, is restricted or weakened,
transaction costs increase, and all exchanges of that bundle of rights become
less efficient than they otherwise would be.
By the term "rule of law," I mean that "regular administration of justice"
to which Adam Smith referred (supra). and by "regularity of administration," I
mean the concept of predictability of outcomes that Justice Oliver Wendell
Holmes held to be the hallmark virtue of the common law, properly
adjudicated. By the term "justice," I mean the administration of law in the
same sense in which Aristotle meant the term (The Nichomachaen Ethics, chapter
5, "Justice," 171-202, trans. __________ (London: Penguin, 1953, reissued
1986)); that is, a just outcome is one that is both lawful (approved by the
plain meaning of the law) and fair (appropriating to oneself no more and no
less than is one's just due). In deciding what is a just appropriation to
oneself of the world's goods, one has to struggle, of course, to overcome the
kind of Sherman McCoy, "masters of the universe" type of thinking that Tom
Wolfe portrayed in Bonfire of the Vanities. Even if I think I deserve more,
everyone else thinks he deserves more, too, after all.
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A good summing up of the interrelation between property rights and the
rule of law once was transmitted to one of my colleagues by the Islamic legal
scholar and moral philosopher, Khalid Ishaque, as follows: "You must make it
possible for an honest man to earn his living honestly — without this, the
rule of law cannot exist." (Ishaque, the leading civil rights lawyer in
Karachi, Pakistan, is described in V.S. Naipaul, Among the Believers: An
Islamic Journey 110-117 (London: Penguin, 1982)).
11 • How economists today think about property rights.
The prevalent view among most economists, also reflected among legal
scholars influenced by the Law and Economics movement, is that the efficient
use of scarce societal resources can be maximized only if "mutually exclusive
rights to the use of particular resources [are parcelled out] among the
members of society. If every piece of land is owned by someone — if there is
always someone who can exclude all others from access to any given area —
then individuals will endeavor by cultivation or other improvements to
maximize the value of land. ... [This] principle applies to all valuable
resources," thus illustrating that "legal protection of property rights
creates [economic] incentives to use resources efficiently." (Richard A.
Posner, Economic Analysis of Law 30, 3d ed. (Boston: Little, Brown, 1986)).
Comparable analyses of the importance of assigning transferable property
rights to voluntary inidividual economic actors appear in twentieth-century
economic literature in, among other places, Friedrich A. Hayek's The Road to
Serfdom (1944); Ludwig von Mises, Human Action (1960?); Frank Knight, [1924
Journal of Political Economy — confirm!: Armen Alcian and ___
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University Economics. 2d ed. (___________ ); andJ RonaldJ Coase, , " Social I
Costs," __________[confirm]. I have learned that a generation off youngerr
economists has been influenced profoundly in the same general direction by
Milton and Rose Friedman, Free to Choose (1986?). Any one of these books or
articles can stimulate your thoughts more profitably, I think than the
opinions of any Supreme Court Justice in the last 20 years.
A few illustrations of the thinking of economists about various types of
property rights might serve to illustrate the points I want to make. [Raid
the NABE speech.) [Buffaloes, whales, steam engines plowing through
cornfields, uninusred vs. federally insured financial institutions, "homeless"
multinational corporations; the dirty underbelly of propoerty rights: slavery,
prisoners of war (Alcian et al. in recent Law & Economics Journal),
conscription, and totalitarianism (Arendt & Orwell).]
III. Various definitions and the origins of property rights
A. Anglo-Saxon
[Cite Jefferson's 1824 letter to Major Cartwright on the Whig theory
of history and Anglo-Saxon law, whence our law is derived. Cite
Buterfield and Burke, contra. on the Whig theory of history.]
B. Central European
[Napoleonic, Roman, and Canon Law concepts of propoerty rights
ignored any right of the common man in common law, minimized property
rights (except for the few, the church, or the state), and minimized
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both voluntary exchange and transfers of land titles. Central
planning, state subsidies of giant corporations (indeed,
corporations), and the like grew up under this legal concept.
Unfortunately, many economists from this tradition (but not the
Austrians!) ignore individual liberties and voluntary exchange. Yet,
this is the tradition, including universal banking, that we are about
to embrace in reforming U.S. financial structure. Do we fully
understand the legal and economic rationales for what we are about to
do?]
C. United States Constitution as noted above, the main economic thinkers
among our founding fathers, plus albert Gallertin, understood Adam
Smith, Voltaire, and Enlightenment economics generally. They created
the Constitution largely for economic motives and assumed that a
certain amount of tension, checks-and-balances, was necessary to make
both our legal and economic systems work. Early on, decisions were
made to modify Adam Smith's laisser-faire model in favor of federal
bailouts of state debts, federal chartering of corporations (national
banks), and protective tariffs; later the commerce clause of the
Constitution was interpreted creatively and expansively to expand the
sphere of influence of certain classes of property rights. But were
these things voluntary exchanges? Should the complaints of parties
adversely affected be heard? And what about transactions involving
human beings as property (slavery, conscription, totalitarianism,
etc.)? Should law or economics govern?
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IV. Property rights in USSR and recent developments
A. Describe Polish, (Mexican, & Brazilian reforms)
B. Describe Lenin's NEP
C. Describe current USSR and Chinese reforms
D. What should USSR be trying to do re property rights?
V. Conclusion
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Cite this document
APA
W. Lee Hoskins (1990, April 2). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19900403_w_lee_hoskins
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19900403_w_lee_hoskins,
author = {W. Lee Hoskins},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1990},
month = {Apr},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19900403_w_lee_hoskins},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}