speeches · February 5, 1990
Regional President Speech
Robert T. Parry · President
For release on delivery
10:00 a.m. E.S.T.
February 6, 1990
Statement by
Robert T. Parry
President
Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco
before the
Subcommittee on Domestic Monetary Policy
of the
Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs
U. s. House of Representatives
February 6, 1990
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Mr. Chairman:
I am Robert Parry, President of the Federal Reserve Bank of
San Francisco, a position I have held since early 1986. I am
pleased to speak on House Joint Resolution 409. Overall, I
strongly endorse the Resolution -- the Federal Reserve should gear
monetary policy toward gradually eliminating inflation and
maintaining price stability thereafter.
Since inflation is a monetary phenomenon, the central bank is
uniquely suited to control inflation in the long run. Monetary
policy also can have significant transitory effects on the
production of goods and services. As a result, I believe there is
a role for counter-cyclical monetary policies, although the
difficulty of forecasting future economic developments limits the
extent to which the Fed can effectively engage in such policies.
Importantly, monetary policy cannot have any direct control over
real variables in the long run. Thus, although the Federal Reserve
must consider the transitory effects of its actions on the business
cycle, it should orient its efforts mainly around the single
variable it can control in the long run -- the rate of inflation.
Federal Reserve officials have made it clear that achieving
price stability is the long-term goal of the System. Resolution
409 would assist us in pursuing a credible and consistent anti
inflation policy by providing a statement from the legislature that
we should focus primarily on achieving that one attainable goal
within a specified period of time. Without this support, there is
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the danger that the pursuit of the long-term inflation goal could
be unduly delayed because of pressure to respond to short-run,
business-cycle considerations.1
Eliminating inflation would help to promote the highest
possible standards of living for u.s. residents and greater
prosperity around the world. The magnitude of the costs of
inflation, in terms of lost output and employment, are notoriously
difficult to estimate.2 However, these costs almost surely are
large.
The most worrisome of these costs stem from uncertainty about
future prices, which undermines the ability of our market system
to function efficiently. Price stability would reduce the risk
and uncertainty that have hampered long-term planning and
contracting by business and labor, and that have reduced capital
formation by raising the risk premia in long-term interest rates.
Moreover, it would avoid the many arbitrary transfers of wealth and
income that occur when the general price level changes
unexpectedly, and thus would reduce wasteful hedging activity
designed to protect against these transfers. Eliminating inflation
also would avoid confusion between absolute price changes and
movements in relative prices, which can lead to inefficient
economic decisions by businesses and households.3
The foregoing comments make it clear that I strongly
support the message of House Resolution 409. I also have the
following comments on its more specific features.
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Length of Transition Period
Few would disagree that the elimination of inflation is a
desirable goal for the Federal Reserve. The issues center on the
costs of achieving the goal, and how large these costs are relative
to the benefits. As I mentioned earlier, it is difficult to
produce reliable estimates of the gains in ··output and employment
that would accrue from price stability, although my judgment is
that they most likely would be large. Unfortunately, calculations
of the costs of eliminating inflation also are problematic.
An upper limit to these costs can be obtained from the so
called Phillips curve, which relates inflation to the actual
unemployment rate, an estimate of the unemployment rate consistent
with the economy operating at full capacity, and an estimate of
expected inflation. The latter estimate generally is based upon
an assumption that the public's expectations adjust gradually to
past observations of inflation.
The Phillips curve suggests that the short-run costs of
reducing inflation are relatively high, largely because it assumes
that inflation expectations are slow to adjust to the introduction
of an anti-inflation regime. For example, work at our Bank on this
relationship suggests that a recession is not necessary in order
to reduce inflation from approximately 4-1/2 percent now to zero
percent in 1994. The unemployment rate would need to rise by a
maximum of about 1-3/4 percentage points above an estimated 5 to
6 percent full-employment rate. 4 At the same time, real GNP
II II
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growth would need to slow by from 1 to 2 percent per year below
what it would otherwise have been during the five-year transition
period.
Two points about these estimates are worth emphasizing.
First, the costs would be transitory only. In the long-run, there
is no trade off between inflation and unemployment. Thus, once
inflation were eliminated, real GNP go back to its long-run
~ould
potential path, and the unemployment rate to its "full-employment"
level. The benefits of price stability, however, would continue
indefinitely. Second, the figures ·represent average historical
relationships over the past 25 years, and should be taken only as
very rough guidelines for the costs of implementing the Resolution
if inflation expectations were to adjust only very gradually.
It seems highly likely, however, that the costs would be
smaller than this. Rather than adapting solely to declines in
observed inflation, as assumed in the Phillips curve analysis, the
public's expectations of inflation probably would adjust directly
in response to the implementation of the new anti-inflation regime
itself. This direct response might become quite strong over
perhaps two to three years, as it became apparent that the Federal
Reserve, with legislative support, indeed was acting to eliminate
inflation.
Unfortunately, there appears to be little historical evidence
available that would provide a reliable estimate of how strong the
direct response might be. There is evidence that sweeping
institutional changes put in place to limit hyperinflations have
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had dramatically beneficial effects, but the relevance of these
experiences to moderate inflation is remote.5 In fact, there is
evidence that expectations did not respond directly to the October
1979 change in Federal Reserve monetary policy procedures.6
However, I seriously doubt that this experience is particularly
relevant to the question at hand. The announcement of a policy
change by the central bank· itself will not carry as much
credibility as the same announcement initiated and supported by a
Resolution of the legislative body. Moreover, the Federal Reserve
has much more credibility as an inflation fighter today than it did
in the period of double-digit inflation at the beginning of this
decade.7 Finally, as noted by others, I also believe that the
attainment of price stability would be expedited if such a monetary
policy were supported by other policy actions, such as a credible
elimination of the federal deficit.
There is general agreement within the economics profession
that the costs of reducing inflation are closely tied to the degree
to which the public believes the central bank's anti-inflation
policy to be credible.8 I believe that the Resolution as proposed
would help in this regard, but I also recognize the possibility
that achieving zero inflation in five years might involve high
transitional costs. We will only know for sure as such a policy
is being carried out. However, I do not favor lengthening the
transition period because the Resolution's credibility, and thus
its impact, would be diluted if the time limit were too far in the
future.
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Price Stability or Inflation Stability
There appears to be some ambiguity in the wording of the
Resolution concerning what the Federal Reserve would be required
to do once zero inflation is achieved: should it aim at a constant
price level over time (price level stability), or at zero inflation
over time (inflation stability)? This distinction would become
important following an unanticipated price level change. A stable
price level objective would require that a period of deflation
(inflation) follow a positive (negative) price level shock. As a
consequence, this approach might imply a high level of volatility
in short- to intermediate-run inflation.
Alternatively, a zero inflation objective would allow the
price level to be permanently affected by a price level shock,
while monetary policy would be geared toward permitting no further
change in prices: that is, zero future inflation. This approach,
by accommodating past price level movements, would involve less
short-term volatility in inflation, but would permit more long-run
inflation or deflation, if shocks or policy errors tended to be
one-sided.
I personally prefer a policy of price level stability. First,
in my view, the costs of inflation that I discussed earlier relate
more closely to uncertainty about the long-run price level than to
short-run inflation volatility.9 Moreover, the credibility of a
zero inflation goal probably would be less than that of a price
level goal. Permitting the price level to drift (upward) under a
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zero inflation goal inevitably would raise questions in the minds
of the public as to whether the Federal Reserve was serious about
controlling inflation, or instead was losing control of long-run
inflation through a series of "one-time" price level adjustments.
Finally, there is nothing to be gained, and a lot to be lost,
by permitting the price level to drift over the long run.
Permitting this drift in response to the influences of fiscal and
monetary policies obviously would defeat the purpose of the
Resolution. In my view the appropriate response to a supply shock,
such as the oil embargo of the mid 1970s, also is to maintain price
stability in the long run. Following such a shock, real GNP
inevitably must fall to reflect the decline in long-run potential
output. This decline in output will occur no matter where the
price level eventually ends up, and thus there is nothing to gain
by allowing prices to rise in the long run.
There are, however, short-run problems to consider. For
example, a recession could result from attempts by the Federal
Reserve to hold the price level constant immediately following a
large oil price shock. This example shows why it is important for
the Federal Reserve to have some flexibility in implementing the
requirements of the Resolution. "Draconian" effects on economic
activity could be avoided by permitting some inflation for a time
in the wake of the oil shock. The potential damage done by price
level uncertainty simultaneously could be avoided by monetary
policies designed to produce a subsequent period of gradual
deflation until the price level returned to its original level.
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Such an approach, once it became credible with the public, would
remove the long-run uncertainty about the price level that damages
the performance of the economy.
Definition of Price Stability
For the reasons just given, there may be some flexibility
needed in the implementation of policies designed to achieve price
stability. Thus, I support the concept of a functional definition
instead of a specific numerical target. It might be argued that
a numerical target would enhance the credibility of the objective,
since the public then could measure Federal Reserve performance
against a published standard. However, it would be difficult to
define, in advance, a specific numerical target that reasonably
could be adhered to over a long period of time into the future.
First, there would be a great deal of debate over which
particular price index to target, and all indexes most likely will
not exhibit zero rates of change when "price stability" is
achieved. Second, there may be upward biases in the price indexes
because they may not adequately adjust for improvements in the
quality of goods and services. This difficult-to-estimate bias
should be reflected in a change in the price index that is greater
than zero, but it would be difficult to estimate the appropriate
size of the adjustment.w Third, a specific numerical target would
reduce Federal Reserve flexibility in responding to relative-price
shocks. I already have discussed how an inflexible approach in
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such circumstances could lead to undesirable effects on economic
activity.
Of course, relying on a functional definition of price
stability inevitably will lead to some debate over how the Federal
Reserve's performance stacks up against its objective. This
judgment will depend upon the evaluation of a large number of
different price indexes. Other considerations also could play a
role. Does a recent supply shock justify the inflation observed
in a given year? Have there been significant biases in price
indexes because of mis-measurement of quality change? These
issues can be discussed and evaluated in the context of the Federal
Reserve's semiannual policy report to the Congress, as specified
in Resolution 409.
Although this process may not alleviate everyone's concerns,
I would like to point out that specifying a numerical target that
later had to be modified in view of unforeseen events might damage
credibility more than acknowledging the need to retain some
flexibility and judgment. Moreover, I am confident that
credibility will develop as the evidence emerges that Federal
Reserve policy actions actually are being guided by the Resolution,
and as the economy moves toward price. stability.
Conclusion
To sum up, I enthusiastically support House Joint Resolution
409. Eliminating inflation would be the most significant
contribution that the Federal Reserve could make to the attainment
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of the highest possible standards of living in the United States
and around the world. Resolution 409 can assist the Federal
Reserve in attaining this goal by stating that we should design
policies to eliminate inflation within a prescribed deadline. Once
this goal is achieved, I believe that monetary policy should be
geared toward maintaining a stable price level, so that businesses
and individuals do not need to be concerned about long-run
inflation in making their economic decisions.
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NOTES
1. For a discussion of the role of a monetary policy rule in
combatting inflation, see Robert J. Barro, "Recent Developments in
the Theory of Rules Versus Discretion", The Economic Journal, 19 8 6,
Supplement, pp. 23-37.
2. For more formal discussions of the costs of inflation see
Stanley Fischer, "Towards an Understanding of the Costs of
Inflation: II", Carneigie-Rochester Conference on Public Policy
15 (1981), pp. 5-42; and Michelle R. Garfinkel, "What is an
'Acceptable' Rate of Inflation?-- A Review of the Issues", Federal
Reserve Bank of St. Louis Review, July/August 1989, pp. 3-15.
3. For example, an individual firm may speed up its production
schedule because it finds that it can command a higher price for
its product, only to subsequently find out that the prices of its
materials and other inputs also have risen (along with the
aggregate price level.) By mistaking inflation for a rise in the
demand for its product, the firm makes an inefficient production
decision.
4. For a discussion of how estimates of this type are made, see
Laurence H. Meyer and Robert H. Rasche, "On the Costs and Benefits
of Anti-Inflation Policies", Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
Review, February 1980, pp. 3-14.
5. Thomas J. Sargent, "The Ends of Four Big Inflations", National
Bureau of Economic Research, Working Paper, 1981.
6. Benjamin M. Friedman, "Lessons of Monetary Policy from the
1980s", Journal of Economic Perspectives, 2 (3), Summer 1988, pp.
51-72.
7. In recent years, long-term interest rates have not risen very
much when tighter monetary policies have led to higher short-term
interest rates. This development suggests that financial market
participants believed that recent periods of tighter monetary
policy would be successful in controlling inflation. See Frederick
T. Furlong, "The Yield Curve and Recessions", Federal Reserve Bank
of San Francisco Weekly Letter, March 10, 1989.
8. For discussion of the conceptual basis for this view Keith
Blackburn and Michael Christensen, "Monetary Policy and Policy
Credibility: Theories and Evidence", Journal of Economic
Literature, March 1989, pp. 1-45; Alex Cukierman, "Central Bank
Behavior and Credibility: Some Recent Theoretical Developments,
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis Review, August 1988, pp. 5-17.
9. The one exception may be the problem of confusing price level
and relative price movements in making economic decisions. This
cost of inflation may be exacerbated more by a price level target
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than by an inflation target because the former would involve
greater volatility in short-run inflation. However, this cost of
inflation may be among the least onerous on my list, since
information is readily available to businesses and individuals on
the general price level each month.
10. Paul A. Armknecht, "Quality Adjustment in the CPI and Methods
to Improve It", American Statistical Association (Business and
Economic Statistics Section), Proceedings, 1984, pp. 57-63; Martin
Neil Baily and Robert J. Gordon, "The Productivity Slowdown,
Measurement Issues, and the Explosion of Computer Power", Brookings
Papers on Economic Activity, 1988:2, pp. 347-431; and Robert J.
Gordon, The Measurement of Durable Goods Prices (University of
Chicago Press for National Bureau of Economic Research,
forthcoming.)
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Cite this document
APA
Robert T. Parry (1990, February 5). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19900206_robert_t_parry
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19900206_robert_t_parry,
author = {Robert T. Parry},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1990},
month = {Feb},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19900206_robert_t_parry},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}