speeches · May 2, 1989
Regional President Speech
Robert P. Forrestal · President
EUROPE’S ECONOMIC INTEGRATION IN 1992:
IMPLICATIONS FOR THE UNITED STATES
Remarks by Robert P. Forrestal, President
Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta
To the Alston & Bird 1992 Strategy Seminar
May 3, 1989
Good afternoon! I am pleased and honored to be a participant in a conference
dedicated to long-run perspectives on international business strategies—in this case with
respect to 1992 in Europe. Too often, I feel, we have allowed ourselves to be swept along
by international events rather than thinking ahead to where we would like to be as those
events unfold. The advent of the unified European market is one development for which
we have ample advance notice. Already important steps have been taken as some of the
nearly 300 trade barriers maintained by individual nations are being dismantled. A
private sector response is already under way in the form of increased merger and
acquisition activity among European firms in anticipation of new market conditions. It
would be most imprudent for American businesses to ignore these fundamental market
changes, and I am pleased that you have taken the time this afternoon to gather to
discuss the implications of this milestone in world trade.
While I count myself among those who believe European economic integration will
eventually occur, it is important to point out that the final shape of market unification
has yet to be determined. Even when the blueprint for unification being drawn up by the
leaders of the European Community (EC) is in place, it is going to take some time before
it is fully effective. Consider how long, for example, it took to complete negotiations on
the U.S.-Canada Free Trade Agreement. If two countries so close in culture and level of
development needed protracted discussions to reach an agreement, it stands to reason
that the much more diverse nations of Europe will require a substantial period of
adjustment before perfecting economic unification. Moreover, the agenda for 1992 does
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not go the full way to economic union. To do so would probably require a common
monetary policy and a central bank for the EC, and these measures remain quite
controversial. England in particular has consistently voiced opposition to the concept of
a European central bank.
Regardless of the exact timetable for Europe, however, we are undoubtedly in a
business environment that is rapidly taking on global dimensions. The successful business
in the mid- to late 1990s will be the one that has prepared itself to participate in
markets that cross national boundaries and encompass a redefined Europe as well as the
Pacific, Latin America, and other areas. This preparation entails a reorientation toward
broader international competition on the part of companies here, particularly small- to
medium-sized firms. It also calls for assistance from policymakers in bringing U.S.
national policy into line with the economic realities of our day. This afternoon, I would
like to talk about several ways in which we must adapt to the changing situation—both as
a nation and in conducting our individual businesses. First, however, I will discuss some
of the potential opportunities and obstacles implicit for U.S. business in Europe's progress
toward 1992.
Opportunities for U.S. Business in EC Market Integration
As we look toward the emergence of a large integrated market in Europe, numerous
possibilities for stimulus to the U.S. economy appear. The most obvious one is the
possibility of one large market for U.S. goods and services in place of 12 smaller
markets, each with its own peculiarities, that now exist among EC member nations. A
second is for increased investment in this country flowing from European corporations,
which will grow in size as a result of market unification over there.
Given our marketing experience, the unification of Europe's fragmented national
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markets should work to the advantage of U.S. firms. After all, we have more experience
than anyone else in selling to a large, unified market—our own. Our industries are geared
toward long manufacturing runs that supply products to national retail chains. These
companies lend their reputations to the products they buy and also handle national
distribution and advertising. This is one factor that has eased foreign firms* penetration
of our market in recent years. Here they have to make just one sale of any product—to
the purchasers at a major chain—and their volume is assured.
By creating a large-scale distribution network similar to ours, the upsizing of the
EC market could relieve one of the problems we have had in selling to Europe.
Traditionally, we have not done as well in products for specialized markets as for mass-
marketed items. Thus, European firms have built their comparative advantage in
speciality items like Leicas and Rolexes while we have sold the world Kodaks and
Timexes. There should be room for both types of products in the future EC just as there
are in this country, and that would work to our economic advantage.
A second opportunity that we can expect from changes in Europe should be an
increase in foreign direct investment in this country. Already a trend toward
consolidation of the numerous national industries into pan-European giants has begun in
response to the liberalized capital flows that are part of the first phase of 1992-related
deregulation. Once these companies accomplish their objectives in Europe—perhaps in
the mid-1990s, they can be expected to push into other parts of the world, including the
United States. The Southeast in particular should be the target of a good portion of the
new wave of foreign direct investment by EC multinationals, just as we have benefited
from European, Canadian, and Japanese industrial expansion in the past. This region
continues to offer attractive advantages in labor, transportation, and climate.
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Despite the strong negative reactions that we often encounter with respect to
foreign direct investment, it is not something to be feared. New plants, hotels, and
agricultural facilities create jobs for American workers directly and give rise to support
services whether their financing comes from foreign or domestic investors. The
introduction of additional product sources also enhances competition to the benefit of all
U.S. consumers. In addition, foreign-owned facilities operating here offer us insights on
alternative methods of production and management. Perhaps most important, the
intermingling of industries across international borders further accelerates the
development of the global market by giving other countries a direct stake in the growth
of the countries hosting their industries. I would also point out to foreign investment
critics that the United States still leads the world in total investments outside its
borders; it is patently self-serving to oppose other countries that seek to expand in a
similar way.
Potential Obstacles to Free Trade
Aside from opportunities provided by enlarged foreign markets and increased
investment here on the part of Europe, the changes surrounding 1992 also pose several
potential dangers to the globalizing markets and hence for U.S. economic prospects. One
is the question of the role reciprocity will play in the final EC accords. The second is the
extent to which Europe is able to resist protectionist pressures that will continue to
arise, as in the past, from vested interests in EC countries.
The question of reciprocity will probably have particularly important bearing on the
internationalization of the financial services industry. Your conference materials
include an article from one of the Atlanta Fed's recent Economic Reviews that discusses
the dimensions of the reciprocity issue. Basically, the question involves the extent to
which Europeans will allow American and other outside firms to participate in their
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markets if these non-European countries have regulations that are different from
European rules. U.S. laws regarding most industries are fairly liberal in comparison to
existing cross-national regulations in Europe. In the case of banking, though, on the basis
of a strict interpretation of reciprocity, the current, partially deregulated condition of
the U.S. financial services industry would serve to discriminate against American banks.
European banks can take an equity position in commercial enterprises, for example, while
their American counterparts cannot. Interstate restrictions here would also stand as an
impediment in an environment where Europeans permit intercountry branching.
In my opinion, Europeans would probably do better not to go the route of
reciprocity. They could decide instead to do business with any country that provides
equal regulatory treatment—whatever those regulations might be—to domestic and
foreign institutions alike. In that way, the EC could accept American banks and extend
the benefits of greater competition to its own residents even if we persist in clinging to
regulations that are largely outmoded.
While reciprocity thus remains a potential obstacle, I feel that the U.S. financial
services industry has already begun to benefit from discussion raised by this issue. We
have been painfully slow to undertake the kinds of banking reforms that would enhance
the competitiveness of U.S. banks both at home and in the globalizing market. The
prospect of limited access to the European market because of our inability to reciprocate
has created a focus for discussion of these shortcomings, as the Economic Review article
in your packet demonstrates. I hope this debate will prod Congress toward taking
proactive steps to bring this country's depository institutions into the global mainstream.
The danger of renewed protectionism in Europe is another obstacle to maximizing
U.S. benefits from market integration there. The impetus for pulling Europe together
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came partially from a perception that Europe was being left behind in the growth of
economic expansion by the United States and Japan. European leaders reasoned that
lowering trade barriers within Europe would eliminate a major drag on growth. They also
anticipated economies of scale and scope that could come from a consolidation of small,
national industries. Their vision is a good theoretical rebuttal to the shortcomings of
protectionist policies among nations, and I hope they will extend it to their non-European
trading partners as well.
However, many observers outside Europe fear that Europeans could try to legislate
competitors like ourselves and the Japanese out of some of their internal markets to
shore up industries they deem vital. We have seen these tensions emerge, for example, in
agricultural products; this is a difficult area to resolve, partly because Europeans do not
want to become dependent on foreign producers and partly because agricultural lobbies
are very strong there—as here. Similarly, the lobbyists for certain traditionally
important enterprises may influence their parliaments to press for individual exemptions
of their industries when barriers are lowered. Thus, there are numerous pressures within
Europe that could lead toward the expression of a "Fortress Europe" mentality.
Should Europe opt for protectionism, the results could be quite dramatic. It could
trigger the realignment of the world into distinct trading blocs. What might emerge
could be a bloc comprised of the EC members, the northern European countries which
have a separate free-trade agreement among themselves, and possibly later, Eastern
Europe and the Soviet Union. Africa might lean toward this market constellation. The
Western hemisphere and Pacific-rim nations could, by default or design, become a second
large bloc. This scenario would be detrimental to all parties by reducing competition,
though I think in the long run consumers in the European bloc would fare even worse than
we would.
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It would be far better if Europe and the rest of us continued to subscribe to the
gradual, but successful, reduction of barriers that has been brought about by multilateral
negotiations through GATT since the end of World War II. After all, the last world war
was brought on in no small measure by the escalation of protectionism in the 1930s. Part
of the reason for the formation of the European Economic Community was the hope that
future competition could be confined to the marketplace and kept off the battlefield. It
would, therefore, be a bitter irony if this idealistic notion were to reverse itself just
when the union of Europe reached fruition, and the EC became a force for world
divisiveness rather than cooperation.
Policy Implications
This possibility brings us to the policy implications of developments in Europe. I
feel both the public and private sectors can take steps to keep this country on course
toward realizing the opportunities of the globalizing market. Let's look at the business
perspective first. I think one extremely valuable contribution on the part of business
leaders would be to make your voices heard among policymakers. As I will discuss in a
moment, the budget deficit lies at the root of many of our competitiveness problems, and
you should let policymakers know that you want serious action of this front, even if it
means increased taxes.
Another area where Congress could perhaps use some encouragement is in
completing the task of deregulating the financial services industry. We still do not have
nationwide interstate banking or the expanded banking powers our institutions will need
to move into the ranks of leading international bankers. Piecemeal steps are being taken
by the states, but guidance from the federal government would make a lot more sense.
One more lobbying task for the business community is to counter the persistent
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calls for "managed trade" and other forms of protectionism from those who would have
us avoid competition. Our competitive problems have much to do with fiscal imbalances,
and for that reason protecting our industries from foreign products is a solution that has
nothing to do with the problem. Instead, it will create other problems like escalating
rounds of retaliation that could undo much of the progress we have made toward
enhancing global competition. Moreover, if we wish to encourage Europe and our other
trading partners to subscribe to the doctrine of free trade, we have no choice but to do
so ourselves.
Finally, our industries, particularly our small- to medium-sized firms, should be
gearing up to exploit the marketing advantages they hold when the EC opens its
markets. As I mentioned earlier, U.S. companies have experience in dealing with an
integrated market that few of their foreign competitors possess. Still, the diversity of
cultures and languages in Europe present challenges in marketing that will have to be
taken into account. You should begin now, if you have not already, tuning into the buying
preferences of countries you plan to target. This, of course, applies not only to Europe
but also to other potential markets in the international marketplace. Small- and
medium-sized U.S. businesses have a long way to go in catching up to the strong export
orientation of their counterparts abroad. Still, the fact that smaller foreign firms have
done such a good job of exporting their products suggests that companies here can adapt
to the international environment as well.
Turning now to the responsibilities of the public sector, the first place we need to
look to improve our international performance is the fiscal deficit. I spoke a moment
ago about the sort of xenophobia that frequently surrounds the issue of foreign direct
investment here. Another example of irrational anti-foreign sentiment can be found in
the rhetoric sometimes applied to our continuing trade deficit. Blaming our trade
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problems on some malevolvent, aggressive intent on the part of our trading partners is a
mistake. Rather, the blame lies for the most part in our own penchant for consuming
more than we produce, and this tendency has propelled the accumulation of our
government, corporate, and consumer debt. When government spending grew faster than
revenues in the early years of this decade, Americans' savings rate was not sufficient to
support the resulting deficit. This drove interest rates up and attracted foreigners to our
government securities. Foreign demand for dollars to buy U.S. bills and bonds pushed the
dollar up on foreign exchange markets. The soaring dollar made our products less
competitive on overseas markets, and in this way the federal budget deficit exacerbated
our trade deficit.
Of course, borrowing is not bad in and of itself. If we have a need for funds and
foreigners are willing to supply those funds, this is a perfectly legitimate arrangement.
The problem is that so much of the borrowed money has gone to consumption—
particularly by the U.S. government—and not toward investment that might have
enhanced our productivity and given us the competitive edge we need to meet the
demands of a global market. For that reason, current government spending must allow
for the huge chunk of interest owed on past borrowing—the fastest growing item in
today's federal budget. Hence, the legacy of past consumption-related spending
guarantees that present and numerous future budgets remain in the red unless we take
drastic action. Our need to service existing debt diminishes the funds available to make
the kinds of investments in private industry we need to stay abreast of marketplace
changes. From this perspective, we clearly need to make some serious efforts to attack
the federal budget deficit—the single most important cause of our trade imbalances.
Another economic phenomenon that policymakers cannot forget is inflation. I
consider intensifying price pressures to be the most immediate danger to our economy
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and, potentially, to the nation's competitive position in the years ahead. I think that
given the price increases that have already occurred in the first 3 months of this year,
we will be looking at a 5 percent inflation rate here by the end of this year. Recently, I
have noticed that a growing number of people seem to be comfortable with that rate of
increase, but I want to emphasize in the strongest possible terms that such a rate is
unacceptable. With 5 percent inflation, prices would double in 14 years. More
importantly, we have never been successful in the past in containing prices at the 5
percent level. After reaching that threshold, inflation has had an insidious tendency to
accelerate out of control. The inflation of the 1970s and early 1980s was one of the
greatest contributors to our indebtedness today, as consumers developed the attitude
that they should borrow to buy what they want before prices go up.
So far, current inflationary pressures have not produced dramatic increases in wage
demands among workers here as they did in the 1970s. Rest assured, however, that
workers inevitably will demand more for their labor if inflation is not checked, and such
a development would tend to affect our foreign business dealings negatively. For one
thing, inflationary pressures would drive the prices of our products up and their
international competitiveness down. For another, to the extent that inflation introduces
uncertainty regarding input and output prices, it tends to dampen investment in general.
In the midst of such uncertainty, U.S. companies would be less inclined to undertake the
kinds of changes they need to make to increase their presence and effectiveness in
foreign markets. The Fed is committed to defending the purchasing power of the dollar,
as our actions over the past year have demonstrated. However, our job would be a lot
easier in an environment of greater fiscal restraint.
Conclusion
In conclusion, we have seen that the prospects of Europe's market unification in
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1992 hold numerous opportunities as well as some potential obstacles for U.S. business
and the economic expansion of the world. Among the opportunities is the chance to
apply our unique marketing expertise in a new and extensive consumer market. All
participants in the global market could enjoy the benefits of new sources of competition
and the product refinement and lower prices that competition tends to bring. In addition,
progress toward European integration should give us the impetus to correct some of our
current weaknesses such as the incompleteness of our work on geographic and product
deregulation for the financial services industry. It also draws our attention to the need
to get our fiscal house in order so that our savings and investment can be turned to more
productive ends rather than paying interest for past consumption.
We must hope, however, that the spirit of European cooperation now inspiring so
much excitement around the world does not turn into a force for greater protectionism.
As business leaders you certainly realize that protectionism is an irrational course that
has no place in a world so close to realizing not only the advantages of a unified
European market but an integrated global market as well. I urge you to prepare for the
new era ahead by taking the positive steps of building competitiveness and opposing any
and all impediments to competition.
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Cite this document
APA
Robert P. Forrestal (1989, May 2). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19890503_robert_p_forrestal
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19890503_robert_p_forrestal,
author = {Robert P. Forrestal},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1989},
month = {May},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19890503_robert_p_forrestal},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}