speeches · April 5, 1989
Regional President Speech
Silas Keehn · President
Silas Keehn Remarks
Vanderbjlt University, 1989
Draft 3 (4/6/89)
The Debt-Defying Feats of U.S. Corporations
I am very happy to be here today. Speaking to a group of
Vanderbilt MBAs has become a tradition for me, and I look
forward to it every spring.
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I usually speak to this group on topics that are
particularly important to the financial services industry, and
this year will be no different. Last year I spoke about the
restructuring of the financial services industry. My topic this
year, the restructuring of the U.S. corporate sector, may be
somewhat more ambitious.
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The Debt-defying·
of U.S. Corporations
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Today, I plan to give an overview of recent trends in corporate
restructuring: look at why a firm would want to restructure:
discuss the impact of restructuring on various parties such as
shareholders, debtholders, taxpayers, and financial
intermediaries; and finally, comment on what, if anything,
should be done to reduce leverage in the U.S. corporate sector.
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Before I begin, though, I would like to share with you some
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news I recently received about what appears to be, the ultimate
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leveraged buyout. According to an article in Pensions and
Investment A1e, Kohlberg, Kravis, Roberts & •C o., the firm that
/
just bought RJR Nabisco, has offered 11.25 trillion for the
./'
federal government, all but 120 million. of which will come from
the issuance of debt. Much of this debt is expected to be paid
down with the proceeds from the s·ale of government assets.
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According to the article, Gene~al Electric, United Technologies,
and General Dynamics are lik~ly purchasers of the Department of
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Defense minus the Petagon building, which will probably go to
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JMB Real~y. Exxon and Mobil are expected to bid for the
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Department of Energy. Citicorp is supposedly interested in
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acquiring the Federal Home Loan Bank Board. The real plum,
however, is the. Fed, which is expected to be sold to a
consortium of Japanese and U.S. institutions. Analysts are
;
quite wary, of this deal. They have pointed out that the federal
government is already highly leveraged; some say that the
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gove. rri~ent has increased its leverage over th01a deeade iA aa (
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attempt to fend off such a takeover attempt. .
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While my news flash is obviously fiction, recent events in
the corporate sector indicate that fact and fiction are not all
that far apart.
Overview
The market for corporate control--firms competing for the
right to manage corporate resources--has become an increasingly
important element of the corporate landscape. The Institutional
Investor has reported that a "remarkably liquid market ...
like the market for real estate" has developed and now "a large
cross section of corporate America has become a collection of
properties to be bought and sold." ~,_ ~'' ,,I .S ('
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Indeed, the number of mergers and acquisitions in each of the
last five years is more than double that of any year during the
merger wave of the late 1960s.
Number of M & As growing ...
5,000
2,500
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1967 '73 '78 79 '82 '85 '88
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An Increasing percentage of the value of these deals are highly
leveraged transactions.
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highly leveraged transactions
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Furthermore, many companies that are not involved in a merger or
acquisition have substantially increased their leverage through
"recapitalizations."
More firms undergoing highly leveraged transactions ...
20%
b>O"
% of firms witttdebt-to-assets
greater than S0°.4 ...
... and that more than doubled
their ratio from the previous year.
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The use of leverage in M&A is not at all new. In 1901, J.P.
Morgan issued S570 million in bonds and an equal amount of
preferred and common stock to buy Andrew Carnegie's steel
interests and create U.S. Steel. The deal today would have been
valued at S23 billion, almost as much the price tag on RJR
Nabisco.
The 1901 deal has many parallels with today's LBOs--the
terms of the deal, including the issuance of "junk bonds":
complaints from Washington that such leveraged transactions were
not in the public interest; and jitters on Wall Street. There
is, however, one major difference between J.P. Morgan's deal and
the LBOs of today: Morgan's deal involved the merging of eight
companies into one,~hile a typical LBO today involves
sell-offs, spin-offs, nd asset sales.
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Supposedly, a firm will not acquire another unless the
acquirer believes that there are gains from doing so. Indeed,
acquisition premiums are a reflection of those anticipated
gains, which are usually expected to result from
diversification, the elimination of duplicate operations,
economies of scale and scope, and overall improved efficiency.
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During the late sixties and early seventies, most of the
gains from acquisitions were expected to come from
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diversification. At the time, it was widely believed that "two
plus two equals five." For example, Textron, a textile ~
manufacturer, diversified into various machinery and electronics
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businesses; Gulf Western, a publishing and information ~ ~
services firms, diversified into entertainment and financial
services: and General Mills, a food producer, bought, among
other things, restaurants, clothing manufacturers, and a toy
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From 1948-63, less than 16 percent of all mergers were pure
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conglomerate mergers. In contrast, from 1963-72, 33 percent of
all mergers were conglomerations. During that time, Gulf+
Western acquired Paramount Pictures, and Textron acquired Erie
Tool Works and the Sheaffer Pen Company. From 1973 to 77, 49
percent of all combinations were conglomerations. Gulf+
Western continued its shopping spree, buying wltat ia-t1et
Associates NatieAal Banlf..and Providence Capitol Insurance.
General Mills acquired Ship 'n Shore and a British toy company.
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But the "new math" did not work out so well. Not only did
two plus two not equal five, but two plus two often equalled
three. Studies of the mergers of the 60s and 70s show that
seven out of ten acquisitions failed for one reason or another.
The acquiring firms' stock usually dropped once a deal was
announced, and shortly thereafter, the combined value of the
acquirer and target dropped below what they would have been
worth separately. In addition, several years after consummation
of the deal, the targets would lose market share, and their
profits would fall.
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Much of the corporate restructuring of the eighties is
reversing the merger trends of the 60s and 70s. Diversification
is "out." Now the thinking is that five minus one equals five
or maybe even six. Gulf+ Western, in 1983, began a major
divestiture program that included a one-time charge to earnings
of $470 million, which resulted in a $200 million loss that ~~~
year. In 1986, Dart and Kraft divorced each other after a
six-year marriage, and in 1987, United Airlines announced plans
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to sell off its non-airline operations--Hertz, Westin Hotels, Cm,t1~,·cJi"~
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Between 1983 and the first half of 1988, nearly 70 percent of
all LBOs Involved divestitures. Also, firms are being acquired,
many through LBOs, with the intention of the acquirer to
liquidate parts of the target firm .
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100%
% of total number of lBOa
% of total value of lBOa
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Corporate restructurin1
Leveraged buyouts are Just one component of a larger
phenomenon--namely, corporate restructuring. Corporate
restructuring is, in the broadest sense, an alteration of the
ownership structure of a firm, that is, an alteration of its mix
of debt and equity.
Since 1978, the retirement of equity has outpaced new issues
by nearly $400 billion, while net issuance of corporate debt
more than doubled, bringing the total outstanding to nearly 12
trillion.
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Equity has been retired while new debt has been issued
blntondollars
200
150 ·net new
debt
100
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Consequently, in the last ten years, the combined debt-to-equity
ratio of all nonfinancial corporations in the U.S. Increased
from about 68 percent in 1978 to ~percent today. Debt
servicing now accounts for neaf3 0 percent of corporate cash
Rows, compared to an eszted 18.5 percent ten years ago.
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Debt to equity ratios increasing and interest
expense consumes more cash flow
90%
debt/equity
45%
Interest expensafcash trow
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The move to higher debt ratios ( on a book value basis) and
increased debt servicing has been accomplished through leveraged
buyouts, leveraged share repurchases, leveraged cash outs, as
well as other means. Leveraged share repurchases and leveraged
cash outs, in effect, replace equity with debt without changing
the ownership of the firm. Leveraged buyouts have the same
effect on a firm's capital structure as leveraged share
repurchases and leveraged cash outs, but LBOs do change the
firm's ownership.
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LB Os are perhaps the most controversial form of
restructuring. An LBO invloves the use of a target company's
assets as collateral to borrow funds to take the firm private.
The borrowed funds are usually obtained through a bank loan
and/or the capital markets by issuing high-yield, high-risk
bonds, more commonly known as junk bonds. The acquirer is often
an individual; small group of investors, which includes LBO
firms, pension funds, and insurance companies; or management
aided by investment banks .
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While there is no universal criteria for an acquisition to
qualify as an LBO, much of the controversy surrounding these
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deals stems from the significant debt burden incurred by the
target firm. A typical LBO consists of between 40 and 70
percent senior debt, between 15 and 35 percent junior debt, and
between 5 and 15 percent equity. That is, it is not at all
uncommon for a firm's debt to climb from 51 percent of assets to
more than 80 percent. For Mary Kay, an extreme example, total
debt increased over 900 times, and went from 25 percent of
assets to 82 percent in one quarter. tfai~_clebt~to:.ass_ets ~atio .of
CECO Industries jumped from 46 percent to 95 percent, and fell
only 2.5 percentage points two years after the_ LBQ.;
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100%
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50%
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Also contributing to the controversy surrounding LBOs is the
explosive growth in the number and size of these highly
leveraged deals. In 1981, there were 99 LBOs: in 1988, there
were over 300 LBOs. As a percent of total mergers and
acquisitions, LBOs have increased from just over 4 percent in
1981 to 9 percent in 1988. j ),.,'1 \7,'( I
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10%
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Growth In the value of all LBOs has been even more dramatic.
The total value of LBOa In 1981 was 13.1 blllion--less than,
percent of the value of all takeovers that year. In 1988, the
value of LBOs was 143 billion--19 percent of the value of all
takeovers. Even after adjusting for inflation, that's over a
tenfold increase.
Growth in value of LBOs
$50
$40
$30
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1981 '82 '83 '84 '85 '88 '88
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Not only are we seeing more LBOs, but we're seeing bigger ones.
The average LBO in 1988 was 1135 million, compared to 131
million seven years earlier.
We're seeing bigger LBOs
mffllon dollars
150
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Why restructure?
Before discussing the implications of increased leverage,
let•s take a step back and explore why a company would want to
increase its debt.
Finance theory tells us that, in a "perfect world," a firm's
mix of debt and equity shouldn't matter. That is, in a world
with no taxation and perfect information, any combination of
debt and equity should be as good as any other. But the world
is not perfect. A firm's mix of debt and equity do matter.
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Two explanations for the recent trends in corporate
restructuring have become very popular. The first, the "cash
flow" theory, is often discussed in very favorable light. The
second, federal tax policy, Is, almost without fan, presented
as the dark side of highly leveraged transactions.
The cash flow theory
There are two basic aspects of the cash flow theory. The
first is concerned with how imperfect information affects the
relationship between managers and shareholders. The second
aspect concerns the efficient allocation of capital. Taken
together, they suggest that current trends in corporate
restructuring will lead to a leaner, more efficient economy.
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Aspect No. 1: The power of levera1e
Corporations, especially large ones, are owned by numerous
and diverse shareholders but usually controlled by managers
whose objectives are often at odds with those of shareholders.
For example, if management's power base is defined by the asset
size of the firm or the number of subsidiaries under its
control, or if their bonuses are defined by such things as sales
volume, then management may take on projects or buy companies
that support their agendas but do not necessarily maximize
shareholder wealth.
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One way to reduce the ability of managers to take actions that
are not In shareholders' best interests and, at the same time,
give management strong incentives to take steps that benefit
shareholders is to use the "power of leverage." That is, saddle
the firm with debt and give management an equity stake in the
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The rationale for this strategy may not be intuitively
obvious, so let me explain. Managers must decide in which
projects to invest. Now, you are all MBAs, so by now you are
probably saying to yourselves "Easy. Positive net present value
project." But it's- not that easy because managers often have
incentives to invest in projects that are not in the best
interest of shareholders. As I mentioned, management's top
priorities may be to increase the assets under their control,
secure or advance their employment, increase sales in ways that
fly in the face of sound business judgement, and_ so on.
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There are several contractual arrangements, such as stock
option plans, that help to align management's goals with those
of shareholders. But how can debt help to align their
objectives? Managers fund new ventures with debt, equity, or
internally generated funds. While it is true that the sources
of funds should not affect the profitability of various
projects, the sources of funds do affect management's
willingness to evaluate projects solely on a net present value
basis. If debt or equity is the source of financing, managers
must undergo the scrutiny of the capital markets, and an
efficient market would exact a very high price for funds for
negative NPV projects. If a firm is fairly profitable and
expects to have a steady stream of excess cash flows, however,
internal funding is a readily available source of financing that
avoids immediate market scrutiny. Therefore, to ensure that
·management does not invest the excess cash flows unwisely, a
firm can alter its capital structure, by repurchasing shares
with new issues of debt. Shareholders receive expected future
excess cash flows in the present, while managers have to use the
c~sh_flows as they accrue to service the additional debt.
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Even if managers did not use excess cash flows for negative
NPV projects but paid them out as dividends to shareholders with
the promise to do so in the future, restructurin1 may still be
preferable. Promises to continue to pay dividends are
unenforceable, and the stock market punishes dividend cuts with
large price reductions. Substituting debt for equity.in effect,
seals management's promise to pay out future profits.
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What about companies that do not expect a steady stream of
excess cash flows? How will they be able to handle the extra
Interest expense? Those firms that are already efficiently run
may not be able to handle Increased debt. However, for those
firms that are inefficiently run because of management malaise
or because they are at a point in their development where new
professional management is essential, Increased debt ratios and
the concomitant increase in debt servicing encourages management
( often new management) to cut costs, to sell off unprofitable
operations, to focus remaining operations, and to become overall
more efficient. The need to repay debt is a powerful motivator.
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I mentioned earlier that giving new management an equity
stake in the firm after an LBO or a recapitalization is very
common. This equity stake can be of a relatively mild form such
as profit sharing or of a stronger form such as employee stock
ownership plans and complete management ownership. In varying
degrees these give management an incentive to maximize
shareholder wealth by more closely aligning the goals of
management and shareholders.
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In addition to the alignment of objectives, highly leveraged .
transactions also make monitoring management easier. Leveraged
transactions frequently result in the concentration of equity in
the hands of a few shareholders. Even if management is not
Included among a highly leveraged firm's shareholders, usually
Included are LBO boutiques and their team of institutional
investors or Wall Street firms. Such concentrations of equity
improve the monitoring of management. Therefore, should the
actions of management stray from the goals of shareholders, they
will not go far.
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Aspect No. 2: Cash rich/star poor
These corporate restructurings also improve the allocation
of capital among firms. In the Jargon of the Boston Consulting
Group, the present value of the excess cash flows form the cows
is paid out to existing shareholders with the proceeds from new
debt. They, in tum, reinvest the funds in someone else's
rising stars. The recapitalized firm then liquidates dogs and
questionable operations to pay down some of its debt with the
proceeds from the sales.
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The end result is that funds that were subsidizing dogs are
now financing rising stars, and question marks that were making
excessive demands on existing management are (hopefully) in more
competent hands.
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As I just said, the classic LBO candidate is a firm with
excess cash flow but no investment opportunities within its own
line of business. In most cases such firms would not be
high-growth companies, but rather firms in their golden years.
Consider the following examples: Safeway Stores, the nation's
larest supermarket chain: Dan River, a textile manufacturer: and
RJR Nabisco, the product of two firms in mature industries,
tobacco and food products.
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Taxation
A second popular explanation for corporate restructurings
Is, of course, taxation. Tax policy certainly can influence a
firm's capital structure. Clearly, If tax policies afford more
favorable treatment to one form of financing than another, the
favored form will dominate. This is exactly the case today.
Debt is given more favorable tax treatment than equity. Returns
to debtholders--interest--is tax deductible, wherease returns to
equity holders--dividends and capital gains--are not.
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But interest has been tax deductible for quite some time, so
why the increase in debt relative to equity now? To answer this
question, we need to look at federal tax policy prior to and
after the Tax Reform Act of 1986. Despite the reduction in the
top marginal corporate tax rate from 46 percent to 34 percent,
the 1986 Act actually increased the effective corporate tax rate
for many corporations by lengthening depreciation allowances,
eliminating the investment tax credit, and raising the
alternative minimum tax Therefore, in 1987, when the Tax
-
Reform Act of 1986 took effect, St of interest expense increased
in value for the average firm in all but two industry
categories. On average, it increased in value by 3 cents. In
one industry, transportation, it increased by 14 cents.
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The Tax Reform Act also made !~st Income more palatable /
to individual investors--1.e., ensured that creditors would not ,r{lf' -
require a higher return and therefore counteract the
tax-Incentive to use debt financing--by reducing the maximum
marginal tax rate on ordinary income, which Includes interest
income, from 70 percent in 1980 to 28 percent.
In addition to making debt financing more attractive for
corporations, the 1986 Act also made equity financing less
attractive for individual investors than it had been in prior
years. This was accomplished by eliminating the dividend
exclusion and the favorable treatment of long-term capital
gains. Since January 1987, dividends and capital gains have
been treated the same as interest income by the Internal Revenue
Service.
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To summarize, the Tax Reform Act encouraged the increase in
debt relative to equity in the U.S. corporate sector by doing
three things. First, it increased the value of interest
expenses at the corporate level. Second, it increased the value
of interest income at the individual investor level. Third, it
decreased the value of income from equity investments for
individual investors.
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Takeover defense
Before going on, let me just briefly mention one other
reason that a company might want to increase its leverage--•• a
takeover defense. It is often said that the best defense Is a
strong offense. In the case of corporate takeovers, a firm's
best defense is the maximization of shareholder wealth. If that
is to be accomplished by altering a firm's capital structure in
favor of debt--for whatever reasons--then whether an acquire,
takes these steps or whether existing management and ownerwhip
do so Is irrelevant. New management without prior ties to
employees or the community, however, may be more objective and
better able to adapt the firm's productive assets to its
changing environment, but sometimes the threat of becoming a
takeover target achieves the same ends as actually being taken
over would.
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Implications
Increased leverage in the U.S. economy--for whatever
reasons--has implications for shareholders, bondholders,
taxpayers, financial intermediaries, and policymakers.
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Shareholders
Shareholders, on the whole, will not sell out for less than
the market price. Acquirers, therefore, must pay premiums over
current market prices for their target firms. Such premiums
have averaged nearly 40 percent In recent years.
Research clearly indicates that stockholders of acquired
firms, including those acquired through LBOs, gain. They
benefit by receiving returns above those that would have
occurred had the stock followed overall market movements. One
researcher conservatively estimates the gain to target
shareholders from takeovers of publicly traded companies between
1981 and 19_86 to be nearly 50 percent, or an estimated 8134
billion.
Target shareholder cl~arly gain ...
55%
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The same studies find that bidder firm shareholders have
equal probabilities of gaining or losing and at best receive
modest gains. Some sellers consistently win, and buyers, on
average, break even. The average successful tender offer
results In a statisticlly significant positive revaluation of
the combined firm. Thus, on balance, takeovers, including LBOs,
enhance shareholder wealth.
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Although easily measured, shareholder 1ains do not provide
an accurate measure of welfare gains. If, for example, gains
are a result of wealth transfers, then the increase in share
prices overstates the efficiency gains of takeovers. This is
because shareholder gains must be weighed against the losses of
othen.
Opponents of LBOs argue that gains from such transactions
result primarily from wealth redistributions: the target
sharholders• gains are at the expense of someone else••
loss--such as the target companies employees or taxpayers or the
target•s bondholders.
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Bondholders
Corporate bondholders purchase bonds based on, among other
factors, the bond's rating, which reflects an assessment of the
likelihood that the company will make timely interest and
principal payments. Purchasers of high grade bonds assume vary
little, if any risk of corporate default. That is, they do so
in a world without LBOs, leverage repurchases, and other forms
of restructuring that result in substantial increases in
leverage. If the additional debt increases the probability or
cost of future default, then the value of the target's bonds
will decline.
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However, It is possible for bondholders to gain, or at least
not lose, from highly leveraged transactions. . Bonds may contain
covenants that prohibit the Issuance of debt that Is of equal or
higher seniority, or that require repayment prior to taking on
new debt. Unfortunately, more than half of all debt contracts
contains no such restrictions. Many debt contracts outstanding
today were entered into when LBOs were certainly not the norm.
I would expect contracts entered into today to have much
stricter convenants.
But there are other reasons that bondholders may not fare so
poorly after a highly leveraged transaction. For example, the
power of leverage that I spoke of earlier is expected to
increase a firm's efficiency and therefore its total operating
cash flows. In addition, other claims on a firm may go down as
the result of an LBO. New owners may terminate the target firm's
pension plan or cut back on staffing.
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compared the returns on bonds of takeover
aW"IC!---..•rrn-,er to bonds with similar characteristics of
corporations not subject to takeover, or to changes in•
selected bond index. These studies found that, on average,
target company bondholders neither gain nor lose by a
significant amount in takeovers. Furthermore, there were no
noticeable wealth transfers between bondholders and
stockholders.
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Research conducted by my staff found that bondholders of
LBOs occuring prior to the tax law changes received si1nificant
gains averaging over 7 percent, whDe bondholders of LBOs
effective after January 1987 received significant losses
averaging just over 5 percent. This significant difference
coincides with the dramatic increase In the size of LBOs and
suggests that tax incentives may have changed the nature of some
LBOs. That Is, tax incentives may have pushed some marginal
deals over the edge to completion.
But even in the worst case, the losses to bondholders are
dwarfed by shareholder gains.
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49
Tax effects
What then is the source of the gains? If I were to take an
Informal poll right now, I would probably get, at least,•
majority to say "the U.S. taxpayers.• Contrary to what you
probably have seen in the popular trade press, however,
taxpayers may not lose either.
To get an understanding of the tax gains and losses, you
should consider a few basic points:
1. Someone's interest expense is someone else's interest
Income, which may or may not be taxed at the same rate.
2. Leveraged buyouts almost always give rise to huge capital
gains, which are subject to taxation.
3. Leveraged buyouts often result in sell-offs of target
assets.
4. leveraged buyouts generate taxable fee income for
commercial bankers and investment bankers .
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Before generalizing about the tax implications of LBOs,
let•s concoct an extreme example and analyze its tax effects.
Consider a $10-billion firm that is all equity financed (i.e.,
=
assets equity= $10 billion). The firm•s shareholders consist
of 65 percent individuals and 35 percent tax-exempt entities
such as pension funds. The firm is expected to earn $1.45
billion before taxes in each of the next five years, and will
pay out arr of its $960 million in after-tax profits as
,
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dividends to its shareholders.
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51
Roy Raider, Inc. (RRI) engineers a LBO, offering to pay $14
billion for the firm (a 40 percent premium). RRI pays for the
firm with $2.8 billion in cash and $11.2 billion from the
proceeds of a 5-year, 13-percent bank loan that is
collateralized by the firm's assets.
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'.
let's examine the tax consequences. First, the tax vi.
\
situation without the leveraged buyout would look like this.
The firm would earn Sl.45 billion in each of the next five years
and would pay $495 million in corporate income tax. The $960
million after-tax profits would be dispersed as dividends, but
because only 65 percent of the stockholders are required to pay
tax on dividends, only $624 million are taxable. The taxable
dividends are taxed as ordinary income at the individual level . l
of 28 percent, yielding tax revenue of $175 million. The total \
value of this stream of tax revenue today, discounted at 13
percent over five years (the rate on the LBO loans), is about
S2.35 billion.
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53
Now, the tax situation after the leveraged buyout would look
like this. First, the LBO would give rise to a 40-percent
capital gain for shareholders. With 65 percent of the equity
held by individuals, the capital gain would yield $728 million
In tax revenue. Second, the yearly Interest expense on the LBO
loans will amount to $1.45 billion, so the firm will have no
taxable income in each of the next five years. Third, the $1.45
billion in interest expense will be interest income for the
holders of the LBO loans. Let's assume that all the debt is
held by commercial banks and that they fund the loans entirely
with deposits at the risk-free rate of, say, 9 percent. (Banks
actually fund loans with at least 6 percent of equity, but the
no-equity assumptions will not alter the analysis materially.)
The effective federal tax rate for most commercial banks is
about 10 percent, so the LBO loan will generate tax revenue of
S44.2 million over each of the next five years at the bank level
and $280 million (28 percent of $1 billion in interest income)
at the individual level. The total value of this stream of tax
revenue today, discounted at 13 percent over five years, is
about S1.8 billion.
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The LBO results in a net loss of $550 million for the U.S.
Treasury.
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55
~
But remember that this is an extreme case. So let's inject
~
some reality. Suppose RRI cuts the firm's debt by 30 percent at _/
the end of the first year by selling off assets for a 20 percent U
v-
capital gain. Similarly, the firm cuts its debt by 15 percent,
or 11.1 billion, at the end of the second year by selling off
assets at a 20 percent premium. Tax revenues in the first year •• -.-
would be the same as they would had no sell-off~~ occurred. In
the second year, however, the firm shows a $991 million profit,
which includes the capital gain. The corporation now has to pay
corporate tax of $336.9 million in the second year. Similarly,
the firms earns a profit in the third year, on which it must pay
$265.3 million to the Treasury. In the fourth and fifth years,
the firm pays St 98.5 million in federal income tax on $722
million of profits.
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Because debt was cut, the interest income of creditors was also
cut and, consequently, so were their tax bills.
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57
The current value of the stream of tax revenues that will result
from this new situation is nearly S2.4 billion, slightly higher
than had there not been an LBO at all. Furthermore, we have not
even taken into account that the LBO will generate fee income
for investment bankers and commercial bankers of at least $100
million and tax revenue of $34 million.
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58
From this simple analysis, we can generalize about the
effects of highly leveraged transactions on the Treasury. But
first I would like to point out that there really is no
.. typical" LBO or highly leveraged transaction. Some firms pay
down their debt vary rapidly after increasing it so
dramatically. Some do so only to increase their debt again
within a few years. Other firms pay down their additional debt
very slowly after a highly leveraged transaction.
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59
In general, though, we can say a few things about how highly
leveraged transactions affect the U.S. Treasury. First, the
faster firms pay down their debt after a highly leveraged
transaction, the less adverse the consequences for the
Treasury. Second, the more asset sales that result from a deal,
the better off the Treasury will be. Also, remember that asset
sales and accelerated repayment of debt often go hand and hand.
Third, the higher the acquisition premium or premium on equity
buybacks, the more tax revenue that results. Fourth, the more
effective the highly leveraged transaction in improving
efficiency and performance of the target firms, the more taxable
corporate in~ome.
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60
F1 • nanc1 • a I • a n t erme d . 1 ar1 • es
Proponents of leveraged buyouts argue that much of the
current restructuring is at the urging of financial
Intermediaries whose shortsightedness is focussed on their fees
and not on the long-term health of their clients or the U.S.
economy. Indeed, along with shareholders, financial
intermediaries--commercial and investment banks--stand to gain
the most from leveraged transactions. Unlike target
sharholders, however, financial Intermediaries stand to lose a
lot if the gains from the leveraged transaction turn out to be
less than expected.
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Commercial bank Involvement
Since restructurings require huge amounts of debt, It should
come as no surprise that commercial banks are heavily Involved
In M&A financing. Given the nature and size of many deals, It
also should not surprise anyone that it Is the largest banks
that are most actively involved. Margins on loans to
investment-grade customers have been cut paper-thin due to heavy
pressure from the commercial paper market and fierce competition
for middle-market customers. Therefore, the hefty fees and
attractive rates on takeover-related loans, which yield returns
that are often two and three times returns on comparable
nontakeover-related commercial loans, seem like manna from
heaven to the large banks .
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Consider the proposed pricing of the RJR loans. The nearly
814 billion in permanent bank financing was priced at prime plus
1.5 points with fees ranging from 1.5 to 3.25 points (about 1333
million in fees alone). The bridge loan of 81.5 billion was
priced at prime plus 2.25 for the first year and goes up
thereafter.
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63
Various surveys place takeover-related loans held by ten of
the largest U .S.commercial banks at about S20 billion and
estimate that they have originated about S100 billion of such
loans last year, bringing the total outstanding to about $450
billion. That is enough to have financed nearly St trillion in
highly leveraged takeover activity.
Obviously, if commercial banks are originating five times
more than they are holding of these five-to-eight-year loans,
they must be selling big chunks to other investors. Indeed, the
very attractive returns, even on the senior debt, has created an
insatiable appetite for LBO loans among various institutional
investors. Commercial banks are selling LBO loan participations
to thrifts, regional banks, pension funds, and the most
voracious, foreign banks. The Japanese, reportedly, are buying
over 30 percent of our LBO loans. Overall, the proportion that
stays within the U.S. banking system is about 15 to 20 percent.
Sixty large U.S. banks reported that merger-related loans
account for about 11.5 percent of their commercial loan
portfolios_, down from 15.7 5 percent a year ago. ________ r
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64
What is the exact nature of commercial bank lending for
takeover purposes'? As I said earlier, LBOs and restructurings
usually consist of senior debt, junior debt, and a small
percentage of equity. While commercial banks are participating
in all aspects, funding senior debt clearly dominates.
Furthermore, according to the February 1989 Federal Reserve
System Survey, over 40 percent of takeover-related loans provide
for adjustments to the interest rate according to the borrower's
creditworthiness. This protects banks by giving borrowers
incentives to improve their balance sheets and pay down their
loans quickly. loans are usually paid down well in advance of
maturity (usually in two to three years). The funds to paydown
the loans come predominantly form cash flows or the proceeds
from asset sales. Consequently, banks reported, on average, the
same or lower charge-off rates for takeover loans than
nontakeover-related commercial loans of comparable seasoning.
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
65
While this evidence may indicate that LBO lending Is the
business to be in for commercial banks, such a statment may be
exaggerated and not consider the substantial risks Involved.
According to the Fed's survey, commercial banks seem to be less
willing to make merger-related loans. Over 40 percent of the
respondents indicated that they were less willing to make
merger-related loans than they were a year ago, while only 3
percent were more willing. Consequently, the share of business
loans accounted for by such loans is down from a year ago.
Commercial banks' willingness to make merger related loans
25% ..
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This reduced willingness to extend merger-related credit is
probably due, at least in part, to signs that such loans are not
performing as well as they had in the past. While the loss
situation continues to be favorable relative to
nonmerger-related credits, 40 percent of the respondents to our
survey indicated that they had charged off merger-related loans,
up from 25 percent in 1986 and in 1987.
Proportion of banks that charged-off merger related loans
..
50%
-
25%
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The economic climate of the last six years has been
relatively benign, and no one knows for sure how a portfolio of
LBO loans will perform If a recession hits. Those with
undiversified portfolios, with portfolios of junior debt and
equity pieces, and even with senior loans based on overly
optimistic cash flow projections will certainly be hurt. The
returns on LBO Investments have been very high. So have the
risks. They just have not been tested yet.
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The role of investment banks
Like commercial banks, investment banks are also playing a
very big role in recent corporate restructurings. They give
advice on mergers and acquisitions and on recapitalizations, as
do commercial banks. Investment banks also assist clients in
financing by underwriting bond and equity issues--a function
that commercial bank-affiliated firms had been barred from
performing until very recently.
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69
With the trend toward debt issuance and equity retirement,
investment banks are underwriting more debt issues than equity.
One form of debt that Investment banks have been Increasingly
offering are "Junk" bonds. Junk bonds are, very simply,
high-yield, noninvestment-grade bonds. They are now used for,
of course, LBOs and recaps, but also for general purpose
financings and construction loans. In highly leveraged
transactions, junk bonds would usually be included in the junior
portion of total debt.
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70
This form of financing has grown from $20 billion in 1982 to
nearly $200 billion today. Junk bonds have certainly outpaced
other forms of debt. Junk bonds now account for over 25 percent
of all corporate debt issued.
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71Q_
There are at least two reasons why this is so. The first
has to do with supply and the second, with demand.
The potential for junk bond issuance is huge and starting to
be realized. Of the 24 bond ratings that S&P and Moody's
assign, only 9 are "investment-grade" ratings, and only 23
percent of the roughly 2200 nonfinancial firms that file with
the SEC carry such ratings. This implies that over
three-quarters of these firms are rated below investment grade
or not at all and, therefore, are issuers or potential issuers
of "junk" bonds. In addition, it is estimated that an other
20,000 companies that are not required to report to the SEC are
also potential junk bond issuers. These figures translate into
a 40 to 1 ratio of junk bond to investment grade issuers. In
dollar amounts, it is estimated that junk bonds could eventually
be four times as large as investment-grade corporate debt.
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Obviously, the supply side has great potential, but what
about demand? -D~ emand, which comes primarily form mutual funds
and insurance companies, has been very strong because the
risk-return trade-offs have been remarkably favorable--so
favorable that it could make efficient market theorists
shutter.
I
Junk bond ownership
insurance cos.
other
thrifts
Individuals
pension funds
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Last fall, junk bonds that were rated barely below ·investment
,
grade, such as those issued by Donald Trump to finance the Taj
Mahal, carried interest rates of 13.75 to 14.50 percent, while
long-term investment-grade corporates yielded about 10 to 10.5
percent--a 325 to 450 basis point differential. Earlier issues
that were rated even lower, carried interest rates as high as 20
percent.
So much for return, what about risk? One study shows that
from 1977 to 1986, a portfolio of high-yield bonds would have
produced higher return for less risk than AAA and AA bonds and
government bonds. And while the S&P500 would have given an
investor a slightly higher return, he would have had to bare
nearly. 50 percent more risk.
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How can such a situation exist, and can it persist? Several
,
explanations have been offered as to why such· a risk-return
relationship exists. For example, some say that prices in the
high-yield market adjust more slowly than in other bond markets.
Others say that a high degree of risk associated with junk bonds is
firm-specific and can therefore be diversified away in an index.
This may be true, but another explanation is that junk bonds contain
huge risk premiums for risks that investors have so far been paid
handsomely to bear but that have not materialized yet. So if the
risks and returns are recalculated, say, through the 1990s, they will
look much diferent. One thing is clear, junk bonds cannot continue
to have higher yields but lower risk than other bonds for much
longer, and while there is still a lot of room for the junk bond
market to expand, I doubt that it will be four times as large as the
market for investment-grade corporate debt any time soon .
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While junk bonds may be a relatively recent phenomenon, the
involvement of investment banks in M&A and underwriting
certainly is not. Their roles in takeovers and restructurings,
however, have changed. Some Wall Street firms are no longer
only advising on mergers and acquisitions, underwriting
securities, and investing in very small portions of corporate
securities. Now they are gobbling up whole firms. By pooling
their funds with those of other institutional investors,
investment banks are becoming the outright owners of major
corporations.
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Thus, the days of J.P. Morgan--remember the U.S. Steel
deal--are re-emerging. Finance and commerce are coming together
to reshape the corporate landscape. Ironically, or perhaps
coincidentally, the Investment bank with the biggest coffer is
Morgan Stanley, a direct decendant of J.P. Morgan. Investment
banks, along with their backers, now have about $15 billion at
their disposal for equity investments. That is enough to buy a
half dozen RJR Nabiscos or a few hundred smaller firms.
LBO-related business may seem like a gift from the gods to
investment banks also, but the risks are always lurking in the
background. Bridge loans must be refinanced with junk bonds and
a downturn in the markets could leave investment banks holding
more LBO debt than they want, or they could be left with a
capital loss. Also, the effects of a recession will first be
felt by equity investors, and as equityholders, some investment
banks will more than likely take a hit.
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Policy implications
If all the relevant parties involved in highly leveraged
transactions either gain or, at least, do not lose, then why all
the fuss about the increased debt in the corporate sector?
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QUESTIONS FOR STUDENTS:
1. Is the default risk assessment accurate? {E.g., what if
interest expenses rise as cash flows fall?)
2. Are there other public costs associated with LBOS (e.g.,
to emplo..Y.ees, managers, the community in which it
operates}?
3. What are the implications for management (i.e., the way
managers must manage}?
4. Are changes in tax policy OR merger policy needed? What
would you suggest?
5. Are there implications for monetary policy?
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Opponents of highly leveraged transactions argue that such
transactions are merely costly restructurings of corporations
that provide no social benefits and may very likely entail
considerable social costs. Preventing such buyouts would, it is
argued, improve economic welfare.
On the other hand, proponents argue that LBOs provide net
gains to society by reducing the conflicts of interest between
management and shareholders. This, in turn, improves resource
allocation and efficiency, and encourages value-maximizing
behavior. Thus, attempts to prevent such transactions would
have negative effects.
Both views are valid, but both are also biased. You need to
take the costs and the benefits into consideration. If the
costs exceed the benefits, then measures that reduce leverage
should if'!1prove economic welfare. If, however, the benefits
exceed the costs, then such measures would reduce it.
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If • number of highly leveraged firms go bankrupt, there
could be considerable costs involved. These costs would, of
course, entail such direct costs as lawyers' and accountants'
fees and the value of time spent administering the bankruptcy,
but there would also be indirect bankruptcy costs--that is, the
lost opportunities. These are much harder to measure. While it
may be possible to measure a firm's lost sales and lost profits,
how do you measure such things as the inconvenience to consumers
if no direct and immediate substitute for the bankrupt firm's
product exists?
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One researcher has made an attempt to measure both direct
and indirect bankruptcy costs. He estimated that the cost of
bankruptcy, on average, Is about 16 percent of the value of•
firm's assets just prior to bankruptcy. Six percentage points
~
are direct costs, and the other ten are' indirect costs. Both
costs, of course, must be weighed against the gains from
Improved efficiency of firms and in the allocation of
resources. A recent study shows that after management lead
buyouts, the operating income of target firms improves
substantially. The return on the market value of assets is
expected to be nearly 3 percentage points more than it would be
without a buyout. This implies that the probability of
bankruptcy for highly leveraged firms would have to be about 20
percent before the gains from leverage were exhausted.
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Is it likely that the bankruptcy rate would reach 20 percent
even during a severe recession? The answer is "probably not."
First, the ratio of debt to market value of equity, a measure of
solvency, Is lower today than It was during the last half of the
1970s.
Debt-to-market value of equity is lower today
than in mid 70s ...
percent
120%
100%
80%
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Second, even though interest expense as a percent of cash flows,
a measure of liquidity, has been at all-time highs and may
indicate trouble ahead, the ratio of Interest expense to current
assets for nonfinancial corporations is not much higher today
than it was ten years ago, and is slightly less than it was over
the last five years. Therefore, should a firm have insufficient
cash flow to service its debt, It it very likely that the firm
could sell some off its liquid assets to fend off creditors .
... and firms are fairly liquid
30%
20%
interest expense/
current assets
10%
0 L.,,__..___....___....___....___....__ _.__ _ _.__ _ _.__
1978 '79 '80 '81 '82 '83 '84 '85 '88 •. .,
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These figures, of course, are averages, and tells us nothing
about the distribution." In other words, averages do not
indicate whether or not more firms are nearing insolvency or
illiquidity. So let's look at the distributions.
A higher proportion of nonfinancial firms today have
debt-to-asset ratios, on a market value basis, in the upper
ranges than did ten years ago. But the proportion is not a lot
higher.
A greater proportion of firms
are highly leveraged ...
20%
15%
1878
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Also, the proportion of nonfinancial firms today that are very
highly leveraged is nowhere near as high as it was in the mid
1970s. Therefore, it appears that a high percentage of firms
are not approaching insolvency.
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The proportion of highly leveraged firms
Is not as great In the mid-708
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What about liquidity? Well, the that's a different story.
A much higher proportion of firms have interest expense-to-cash
flow ratios in the upper ranges than did ten years ago.
Distribution of firms seems to be
shifting away from liquidity ...
8%
1978
4% 1987
2%
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The proportion in the upper ranges is even significantly higher
than it was in 1982, the previous record year. In addition,
over 7 percent of nonfinancial firms are now illiquid according
to this measure. It appears, therefore, that liquidity, or
rather illiquidity, is what we should be looking out for. It
also implies that, when we enter an economic downturn, asset
sales will become common practice for many firms.
Distribution of firms seems to be shifting
away from liquidity ...
8%
1982
4%
2%
Interest expense/
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Before I go on to estimate how these highly leveraged and
relatively illiquid firms will do during a recession, let me
point out a few more thing. The proportion of firms with
debt-to-market value of assets ratios greater than 50 percent
and/or have more than 50 percent of their cash flow consumed by
interest expense is relatively high today but no higher than at
some other periods over the last 15 years. However, the
proportion of firms with both high leverage and low interest
coverage is at its highest level since 1972. So, we are seeing
more firms enter the "danger zone."
Firms in the "danger zone"
"• firms with market value of debt-to-assets greater
than 50% and/or Interest expense-to-cash
flow greater than 50%
40%
% firm• with market value of d1bt-tc,.aa11ts great•
20%
than 50% and Interest expens•to-cuh
flow greater than 50% •
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Now, how is a recession likely to affect these firms? Will
20 percent or more of them fail and, therefore, wipe out all of
the gains from leverage? To answer these questions, my staff
simulated some economic shocks.
First, they examined what would happen if the market value
of equities fell dramatically, that is, by 30 percent. To put
this 30 percent decline in perspective, consider that during the
1973-74 recession, the S&P 500 fell about 29 percent. The stock
values of highly leveraged firms at that time did not fall as
much. During October 1987, the S&P declined about 25 percent,
and the stocks of highly leveraged firms at the time fell about
30 percent. So a 30-percent decline is a fairly good
assumption. My staff found that such a decline would cause only
2 percent of today's highly leveraged and relatively illiquid
firms to become insolvent. Even a 60-percent drop in the market
would produce a failure rate of only 10 percent. As the figures
we saw before suggested, so_lvency is not going to be the
problem.
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The second jolt my staff gave to these firms involved
reducing the cash available for interest payments. During the
1981-82 recession, cash flows, on average, for nonfinancial
firms as well as for highly leveraged firms fell no more than 10
percent. Such a decline would result in about 10 percent of
currently highly leveraged and illiquid firms to experience
difficulty in meeting their interest payments. This type of
shock would have a bigger impact than a market decline, but the
impact is still not big enough to erase the benefits from
leverage. Cash flows would have to fall by 20 percent to get a
greater than 20 percent bankruptcy rate among highly leveraged
firms.
So, would anything be done to reduce leverage in the
corporate sector?
I would have to say, at this point, probably not a lot.
While it serves no social or economic purpose to have the tax
code encourage firms to use one form of fina.ncing over another,
evidence indicates that the free-cash flow theory is
well-grounded in reality. Therefore, I would expect that we
would still have leveraged buyouts and recapitalizations even if
debt and equity were treated equally by the IRS. I would
expect, however, to see the degree of leverage fall below what
we have been seeing lately and probably a more equitable tax
code would weed out the "dumb deals" and provide a bigger
cushion to cover the margin of error that is present in my
analysis.
Absent changes in the tax code, though, there are some
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indications that the trend toward highly leveraged transactions
is abating. Leveraged buyouts as a percent of the number of
mergers and acquisitions in 1988 and as a percent of the dollar
value of M&.A activity in 1988 are both off slightly from 1987.
In addition, the dollar value of LBOs has been more or less flat
since 1986. Also, as I mentioned earlier, commercial banks are
becoming less willing to extend credit for these transactions.
Also, the number of companies that are ripe for highly leveraged
transactions is likely to fall, if it hasn't begun to already.
The proportion of LBOs of conglomerates, prime LBO candidates of
in the early years, has been falling. On the rise, have been
leveraged buyouts of already private firms. These tend to be
much smaller deals.
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Cite this document
APA
Silas Keehn (1989, April 5). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19890406_silas_keehn
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19890406_silas_keehn,
author = {Silas Keehn},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1989},
month = {Apr},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19890406_silas_keehn},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}