speeches · May 22, 1988
Regional President Speech
W. Lee Hoskins · President
FRB: CLEVELAND. ADDRESSES.
HOSKINS. #6.
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International Developments and Monetary Policy
W. Lee Hoskins, President
Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland
Boston Association of Business Economists
Boston, Massachusetts
May 23, 1988
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International considerations have taken on a more prominent role
recently in economic policy decisions around the world. Partly this reflects
the growing interdependence and openness among nations, characterized by large
trade and capital flows. It also reflects the problems of the day,
particularly the serious international imbalances that currently exist.
We now seem to be on a path towards redressing the global trade
imbalances. A long journey remains, and the conditions that will be in place
when we reach our destination will depend on the policy choices we make
today. I sense an increasing uneasiness in financial markets about
policymakers' willingness to maintain the progress they have made towards
achieving price stability. This uneasiness does not stem as much from recent
price or money-growth trends, as from a sense that future economic policies
will not be adequate to manage the difficult transition ahead. Central banks
continue to establish multiple objectives for monetary policy and to alter the
importance they attach to each.
Tonight, I will review what I believe is the appropriate role for
monetary policy in an international context. I wi11 argue that an emphasis on
price stability both in the United States and abroad not only could reduce
price uncertainty, but could also keep us on the desired path of adjustment in
our international accounts.
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Correcting International Imbalances
By late 1985, the exchange market began to view trends 1n global trade
Imbalances and existing exchange-rate configurations as unsustainable.
Protectionist sentiments were growing, and the dollar had begun to
depreciate. The standard textbook remedy to global trade imbalances relies on
expenditure-adjustment policies in both deficit and surplus countries and on
exchange-rate management. Domestic expenditure patterns began to adjust in
late 1985, but the market did not view these adjustments as proceeding quickly
enough, and completely enough, to obviate a sharp realignment in dollar
exchange rates. By mid-1986, Germany and Japan became increasingly concerned
about the impact that the dollar's rapid depreciation could have on their
economies. Exports were an important source of economic growth in both
countries. By mid-1986, Germany and Japan were intervening in exchange rate
markets — at times in very large amounts — to slow the dollar's depreciation.
One result was an acceleration in the growth of their money supplies in
1986 and 1987. For example, central-bank money in Germany grew at nearly an 8
percent annual rate in 1986 and 1987 compared to upper targets of 5.5 percent
and 6.0 percent in these years respectively. Money growth (M2 & CDs) in Japan
accelerated from an 8 percent annual growth rate in late 1985 to approximately
11 percent late in 1987. Other countries, notably Canada and the United
Kingdom, also intervened to slow the dollar's decline and consequently
experienced accelerating money-growth rates. Meanwhile, in the United States,
money (Ml) grew rapidly in 1985 and 1986, well above target, before slowing in
1987.
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On the Path of Adjustment
To date, the effect of these policies has been to put us on the path to
adjustment. The dollar now stands approximately at its 1980 level, before our
serious trade balance problems began. Real net exports in the United States
have begun to adjust, as have real net exports in Germany and Japan. Domestic
demand in many foreign countries, especially in Japan, has improved. Given
the stimulative policies undertaken to date not only are foreign economies
likely to continue expanding, but growth probably will accelerate. The IMFs
recent World Economic Outlook shows domestic demand in most foreign countries
growing as the export sector slows and maintaining overall real growth at an
acceptable pace.
I do not mean to suggest that a boom is in progress abroad. But growth
abroad does seem to be picking up, and exceeding expectations in most
countries with the possible exception of West Germany. Although high levels
of unemployment and excess capacity exist, these countries have coped well
with the recent shift in real exchange rates, and economic growth, led by
domestic demand, has picked up.
In the United States, domestic demand slowed in 1987 and the export
sector became the driving force for real growth. Recent data, however, show a
strong rebound in consumption growth. The U.S. economy appears strong, and
unemployment is low by recent yardsticks.
My concern is that we have made only part of the adjustments necessary
to eliminate the trade balance without a resurgence in inflation both here and
abroad. Through the dollar's depreciation, the terms of trade have been
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altered and a shift in worldwide demand towards U.S. goods and services is
underway. Through expansionary policies abroad, our major trading partners
have begun to increase domestic expenditures, but a counterbalancing reduction
in domestic expenditures in the United States has yet to be made. How will
the future resource demands — domestic and foreign — be satisfied? We stand
at a point in the adjustment process where policy choices must be made, both
here and abroad.
Price Uncertainties
Concern about the choices that world policymakers might make is
manifested in recent uncertainty about inflation. The rapid growth in money,
against a backdrop of continuing real economic growth, the disappearance of a
margin of excess capacity here in the United States, and a firming in
commodity prices, has increased concern about the future prospects for
inflation, not only in the United States but also in Germany, Japan, and the
United Kingdom. Evidence of this concern was found in a steepening of most
industrial countries yield curves last year as well as in moves by the Federal
Reserve to drain liquidity last summer and early fall. The stock-market crash
interrupted these moves and resulted in a temporary increase in global
liquidity. Inflation concerns subsided immediately following the stock-market
crash, but have recently resurfaced as the dampening effects of the crash on
real economic activity have not proved to be discernible.
Recent price trends in the major developed countries provide little
evidence yet of a serious acceleration of global inflation. However, it is
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clear that we are not making further progress towards reducing inflation.
Most industrial countries currently are experiencing inflation rates of
approximately 4 percent — or slightly higher. Germany and Japan are
exceptions. In these countries, consumer prices, after declining in late 1986
and early 1987, are rising at approximately a one percent annual rate. France
and Italy have demonstrated a substantial moderation in their inflation rates
in recent years. Consumer prices in the United States accelerated in 1987,
but they are rising at a modest pace relative to the experience of the late
1970s.
The risk is that foreign inflation rates may converge towards the
inflation rate experienced in the United States. This may not be surprising
given the relative size of the United States' economy and the importance of
dollar exchange rates to foreign economies. The outcome of worldwide efforts
to reduce inflation largely will depend increasingly on the willingness of the
United States to reduce and eventually to eliminate inflation.
Present Choices and Future Directions
The sharp dollar depreciation potentially has begun to redress global
trade imbalances. We are on a path where real growth abroad is continuing and
where demand will shift more and more towards U.S. goods and services. While
inflation trends remain moderate, uncertainty about future inflation is
growing.
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Economic theory, however, warns that nominal exchange-rate depreciations
can intensify price pressures and ultimately will fail to improve trade
imbalances if not accompanied by appropriate adjustments in domestic
expenditure trends in both the deficit and surplus countries. Deficit
countries must increase private savings relative to investment and reduce
their government budget deficit. Surplus countries must increase private and
public consumption. Consequently, our journey is bringing us closer and
closer to an inevitable crossroads, and we must choose down which path we will
travel. One path leads to renewed inflation, the other does not.
The path leading to renewed inflation is one where we fail to institute
the necessary mix of monetary and fiscal policies to reduce domestic
expenditures. The exchange-rate change increasingly raises demand for many
U.S. goods and services, both by reducing U.S. demand for foreign goods and by
increasing foreign demand for U.S. goods. However, without a counterbalancing
slowing in real domestic expenditures, domestic capacity eventually will be
unable to accommodate this shift in demand patterns. If this were to occur,
inflation would accelerate — initially in the United States and later abroad
— offsetting the initial competitive effects of the dollar depreciation. At
this point the trade deficit would no longer improve and could begin to
deteriorate again. The growing U.S. international debt could imply a further
slowing in the growth of our standard of living, as an increasing proportion
of our future GNP would service our foreign debts.
The effect could even snowball if the acceleration in U.S. inflation and
uncertainty about policy encouraged a flight from holding dollar-denominated
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assets. In 1987, private foreign investors began to show an increased
reluctance to hold dollar-denominated assets. Interest-rate spreads widened
and the dollar depreciated further. The inflow of foreign capital in recent
years has helped to finance private and public credit demand in the United
States. Unless a reduction in foreign capital inflows is matched by an
increase in U.S. savings (including a reduction in the federal budget
deficit), U.S. investment growth could slow.
If we want to avoid traveling down this inflationary path, we must adopt
policies that reduce domestic expenditure growth, encourage savings, and allow
us to shift resources to the export sector as foreign demands for our products
rise. In this case, prices will not rise and offset the terms-of-trade effect
associated with the recent exchange-rate depreciation. This scenario does not
imply a reduction in our long-run growth, but it does imply a trade-off of
current consumption for future consumption.
The Role of Monetary Policy
I have already indicated that the recent uncertainty about inflation
does not stem solely from a reading of the recent price numbers. While there
are worrisome signs and harbingers of future problems, price and wage behavior
has been better than past experience might suggest. Moreover, given the
shifts in recent years in the short-run linkages between money and prices, it
is not clear that the uncertainty stems in large part from the past rapid
growth of money. While these events certainly are important, the chief source
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of concern about the long-run prospects for inflation is uncertainty about the
future path policymakers will take.
It is important, therefore, that the Federal Reserve System and other
central banks commit and persistently pursue a goal of price stabilization.
Central banks throughout the industrialized world continue to pursue multiple
objectives including price stability, exchange-rate objectives, and output
growth, and tend from time to time to change focus and emphasis among these
goals. The consequence of this failure to assert the pre-eminence of a "zero
inflation" objective is that the market cannot be certain about the future
course of monetary policy.
The basic objective of monetary policy should be to stabilize the price
level. Monetary policy can do little directly to affect the supply of goods
and services to the public; these depend on the supply of productive
resources. Central banks can affect the price level and can encourage
investment, employment, and real economic growth by providing a stable price
environment.
When central banks lose credibility by failing to commit to a
zero-inflation objective and following through with credible actions to
achieve it, they create uncertainty. Individuals become more cautious about
looking ahead. They become reluctant to proceed with plans if those plans
entail fixed commitments or balance-sheet exposure in some future period when
inflation might be different than anticipated today. They seek a risk premium
and pursue alternatives that pay off quickly. The information that prices,
wages, and interest rates provide can become clouded and resources can be
mi sal located.
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When central banks stabilize price levels, they create a healthy
environment for private decisionmaking and resource allocation. They prevent
inflation from becoming worse and they prevent inflation expectations from
becoming embedded in wages, in long-term interest rates, and in other fixed
contracts. They insure that money serves its purpose as a unit of account, an
efficient medium of exchange, and a stable store of value.
Therefore, recent uncertainty about inflation is not rooted in recent
price trends, nor does it depend on the amount of excess capacity, nor does it
depend on recent trends in money growth. It depends primarily on the
credibility of central banks' price goals.
Conclusion
Inflation presented a persistent threat to global growth in the 1970s.
The ultimate lesson of the decade was that central banks could not do all
things at all times. Attempts to shift the focus of monetary policy between
inflation and unemployment failed to achieve lasting success in either
direction. We learned that monetary policy can contribute to real growth only
indirectly by providing a stable price environment.
We have gone through a protracted, and painful, period in the 1980s of
reducing inflation to a low level. In many countries — Germany, the United
Kingdom, the United States, Japan — much of the success of that effort was a
result of a demonstrated willingness to eliminate inflation despite continued
weakness in real output and high levels of unemployment.
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In the past few years, we have been fortunate. We have Initiated
policies that have begun to redress our global trade imbalances without
aggravating inflation. Our good fortune clearly is being stretched. The
Federal Reserve and foreign central banks must reaffirm in statements and 1n
actions a commitment to price stability.
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Cite this document
APA
W. Lee Hoskins (1988, May 22). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19880523_w_lee_hoskins
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19880523_w_lee_hoskins,
author = {W. Lee Hoskins},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1988},
month = {May},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19880523_w_lee_hoskins},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}