speeches · March 29, 1988
Regional President Speech
Robert P. Forrestal · President
THE INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC OUTLOOK
Remarks by Robert P. Forrestal, President
Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta
To the First National in Palm Beach
March 30, 1988
Good afternoon! It is a pleasure and an honor to have this opportunity to meet
with the officers and guests of the First National Bank. When Tom Walker invited me to
speak here this afternoon, he asked that I direct a good portion of my remarks to
international economic conditions. This is a most welcome topic since we have entered
into a period in our history when it will become increasingly difficult to find any business
that is not affected by international developments. Not everyone is equally aware of this
internationalization, however, and that lack of awareness has some potentially dangerous
side effects. Some lack the patience to allow market dynamics to do the work of
balancing trade flows. Instead, they demand misguided quick fixes like protectionism, or
constraints on foreign investments in this country. Some would also like to return to the
days before currencies were allowed to float freely on world markets through unrealistic
strategies like fixed exchange rates.
These all too widespread misunderstandings arise from the failure to recognize
that times have changed dramatically. Thus I would like to spend most of my time today
talking about one of the significant changes that is altering the shape of the global
economy today. That is the transition from a consumption-driven economy in the United
States to one that is based to a greater extent on exports. I will begin by describing in
more detail how this important transition is affecting both the national and the
international economic outlook for 1988. I shall then go on to discuss the complexities of
international policy coordination in the current situation. While I will not underestimate
the challenges we face, I will close by offering some policy initiatives that might be
more in line with changing realities.
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The National Economic Outlook
To begin, then, let me paint a very broad-brush picture of the economic outlook.
Today, when we try to discuss what lies ahead economically, we have to take a global
perspective. Because of the sheer size of our domestic economy, our home markets were
the sole focus of most American business people until quite recently. Lately, though,
Americans have become increasingly conscious of the broadening scope of that
marketplace. The dollar's appreciation on foreign exchange markets from 1980 to 1985
hit our manufacturing sector hard. It showed us that there were numerous competitors
out there ready to take market share away from us and hold onto it with their high
quality products.
Agriculture, too, was hurt as the relatively high value of the dollar made
American commodities more costly than those of our competitors. At the same time the
fruits of the "green revolution" ripened. Countries like China, which could once be
counted upon to import American grain, actually became net exporters. More recently,
the stock market crash amply demonstrated the high level of worldwide integration in
money and capital markets. Thus, in all aspects of commerce we found that businesses in
Tokyo, Hamburg, and Seoul were making major inroads into markets which had been
virtual monopolies for American producers.
At the present time, a new development is taking place in this global market.
There is a fundamental structural transition underway in most of the world's
industrialized economies. In the United States we are in the midst of a shift from an
economy driven by consumption to one which will rely upon exports for a great share of
its growth. In the economies of our major trading partners, the mirror image of this
process is taking place. Their economies are having to rely more on their own domestic
demand, whether from consumers, businesses, or government, and less on exports as the
main source of growth.
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This transition is not entirely new. It really began, at least in the United States,
during the last quarter of 1986, when the effect of the falling dollar began to show up in
improvements in real net exports. Exports have continued this course nearly
uninterrupted through the latest trade figures. This shift is not yet clearly indicated by
certain macroeconomic indicators like gross national product, whose growth may remain
moderate in spite of increasing exports. What is significant, however, is that the
economy continues to find sources of strength as the current expansion moves into its
sixth year. In the United States real GNP growth was nearly 3 percent in 1987. This rate
of expansion helped lower the unemployment rate to 5.8 percent by December of last
year, the lowest it has been in eight years. In February, the latest month for which
figures are available, the rate of joblessness was even lower, down to 5.7 percent.
Looking to 1988, I see a continuation of expansion, albeit at a slower pace of about 2.5
percent.
The source of strength underlying this encouraging forecast is the greater balance
being developed in the U.S. economy. The dollar's substantial decline over the last three
years is having very positive effects on those goods that are exported and, to a lesser
extent, on products which are sensitive to import competition. As demand for exports
strengthens, our manufacturing sector is recovering some of its health. Other sectors
that had been lagging can be expected to contribute more as well. Farm prospects look
reasonably good~a welcome change from the bleak years of recent memory. Continued
stability in oil prices should help the energy sector. This return to greater economic
equilibrium should help those areas of the country that have been bypassed by the current
expansion. The midwestern farm belt; the oil patch of Texas, Louisiana, and Oklahoma;
and the industrial heartland of the northeast and north-central states should now see
much more growth.
International Prospects
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Looking beyond the United States, we find that the same dynamics that are
affecting our economy are working in the opposite direction in other advanced
economies. The price impact generated by the lower dollar will continue to dampen the
important export sectors of Europe and Japan. Whereas the worldwide transition is
bringing more balance to our economy, however, it is not likely to help the economies of
most other industrialized nations. That is because consumption fueled by domestic
demand has not been taking up all the slack left by waning exports in these countries;
therefore, their growth is likely to decelerate more than in the United States during this
transition.
This sluggishness is most apparent in West Germany. Once the dynamo of Europe,
Germany seems likely at best to repeat last year's sluggish 1.5 percent GNP growth.
Prospects for France are similar. Italy's economy expanded faster in 1987~at about the
same rate as in the United States. There too, however, growth will probably slow in
1988.
The strongest growth among European nations next year should come in the United
Kingdom, which is not as closely linked with the slow-growing countries on the
continent. Last year's 3 and 3/4 percent rise in gross domestic product finally brought
unemployment below the 10 percent mark in the last quarter. Such performance is
probably unsustainable. Nonetheless, growth in the United Kingdom should remain faster
than on the continent and ahead of the U.S.
More rapid growth is also likely across the Pacific in Japan. That country has
been more aggressive in making the transition from an export-led economy to one fueled
more by demand from domestic consumers, government, and business spending on capital
goods and structures. Japan's emergency stimulus package and new tax laws, enacted
last year, as well as monetary policy are starting to have a ripple effect and should spur
noticeable growth in domestic demand. That increase is likely to lead the economy to
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repeat its 1987 growth rate of 3.5 percent, even though reducing its large current
account surplus will exert a drag.
Of course, growth rates are not the only measure of economic well-being.
Unemployment and inflation must also be weighed. When we do so, the difficulties
Europe has been experiencing in making the transition stand out more clearly.
Unemployment in much of Europe seems quite high by American standards. Germany's
has been edging up to the 9 percent range. Even in faster growing Italy and the United
Kingdom, unemployment is still in or near the double digit range.
Fortunately, the dollar's lower value will act as an anti-inflationary force in most
other advanced economies. Consumer prices were virtually flat last year in Germany,
and inflation is quite low in Japan. However, price pressures are not abating in all
countries, despite the dollar's decline and the attendant effects on dollar-denominated
imports. In Italy and Great Britain, for example, countries that have been expanding
pretty fast, price pressures are intensifying.
Perhaps most importantly, the growth rates projected for most of the world's
advanced economies are below their potential. When Americans hear that Japan will
likely expand at a pace almost half again as fast as ours in 1988, we tend to regard that
as quite high. What we forget is that the structure of Japan's economy is such that it
could be growing even faster without generating inflationary bottlenecks. Were they
able to do so, the higher income growth that would result could support more purchases
of U.S. goods and thus stimulate our expansion.
Even more significant is the fact that faster growth in the industrialized nations
would be a decided boon to the world's developing economies, or LDCs. Many are heavily
indebted. Still more have had much slower growth in the eighties. With inflation less
controlled, living standards in many have deteriorated. The implications of these
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seemingly far-away developments for the advanced economies are profound. No one
wants to contemplate the reverberations in the banking community of a flare-up in the
ongoing LDC debt issue. All of us have lost earlier strong export markets because of the
austerity programs launched in much of the Third World in response to this ongoing
crisis. Finally, the potential for political upheaval is heightened when the promise of
improved living standards is deferred for so long.
Given the fact that growth in many advanced economies and perhaps most of the
developing world is below potential, it seems that some form of policy coordination
should be undertaken to speed up business activity and ease the pains of transition. Let
me turn, therefore, to a consideration of what joint actions we might take to to render
the structural transition I have been discussing less painful and bring growth up to
potential.
Issues and Policy Challenges
When we begin to think about international policy coordination, we naturally tend
to focus on specific problems and solutions peculiar to them. Discussions of LDC debt,
for instance, often gravitate toward loan restructuring proposals and the like. Such
stopgap measures are, of course, necessary for dealing with crises at hand and can
sometimes set the stage for more improvement. The recent Mexican debt proposal
exemplifies this approach: I find it an innovative and encouraging approach, though it is
not a solution for all LDCs.
Similarly, I strongly support economic summits and other regular meetings. When
these gatherings result in policy coordination decisions, generally we are all better off.
We need only think to the beneficial results of the September 1985 summit on currency
realignment. Notwithstanding the success of this meeting in fostering better balance
among the world's currencies, I feel that this narrow approach is reaching its limits. The
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current focus on targeting particular exchange rates will not be successful, in my view,
unless the values for various rates are sustainable in financial markets. Money and
capital exchanges are too interconnected, as we saw this past year, to enable
governments to maintain artificial exchange rates. The comparative stability of
exchange rates for much of the post-World War II period derived from agreement on
policy objectives among nations that there was a need for worldwide expansion. In
addition, there were no large differentials in inflation rates during that period. When the
economic objectives of individual nations began to diverge in the 1970s, the system of
pegged exchange rates no longer worked. By the same token, we cannot go back to
imposing exchange rate targets or ranges unless we have agreement upon economic
objectives.
Unfortunately, consensus is hard to reach when a broader scope of problems is
addressed, or when conditions and social values from one country to the next diverge
sharply. If their economies are all overly strong, then coordinated policies designed to
slow them will be effective. Five years ago when most of the industrialized nations were
underperforming as a group--with ample excess capacities—a simple strategy of applying
expansionary policies in each country proved beneficial to them all. However, when
performance—or social values—vary, coordination may be complex.
This is the crux of our current problem. Differentials in inflation rates tend to
move our exchange rates continuously out of line. Clearly, the German public will
tolerate more unemployment and less inflation than we will in the United States. Hence,
their leaders are reluctant to stimulate more than they already have despite the fact
that price pressures are almost nonexistent while joblessness is quite high. Given our
different social values and historical experiences, it is difficult to achieve much progress
toward coordinated macroeconomic policies.
Aside from the fact that narrow policy agreements are not optimal in a complex
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situation and that agreement on broader fundamentals is often difficult to reach, another
constraint on international policy coordination inheres in our policy tools. The
macroeconomic policies that we have are of only two kinds~the monetary policy of
central banks and government fiscal policies. Tax and spending policies in the
industrialized nations are very slow, perhaps too slow to change, as all of us are well
aware. This places an undue burden on monetary policies, which are often put in the
position of trying to attain more goals than they can possible achieve.
Finally, I must be candid and concede that caution during a period of change is a
prudent course. Otherwise, extreme measures can too easily backfire and produce severe
dislocations, throwing industry and commerce seriously out of balance.
All this seems very pessimistic, and I do not want to underestimate the
complexities and constraints associated with global economic coordination. Still, I
believe there is hope. Notwithstanding what I have said about the appropriateness of
prudence during a transition and the right of each nation to its own social choices about
unemployment, inflation, and economic growth, I personally feel that Germany could
afford to do more in the way of domestic stimulus. Its minimal inflation rate and high
level of joblessness suggest to me sufficient slack to warrant faster growth. Given that
country's pivotal role in the world economy, I would like to see the Germans do more
toward expediting growth~for the sake of the world as a whole~and, of course, their
own country too.
Another fruitful area for international cooperation is in the realm of trade
barriers. The renewal of protectionist sentiment in the last two years or so has captured
much attention and prompted several legislative proposals to make it harder for
foreigners to sell to Americans. However, all countries have some forms of
protectionism. Almost every nation has certain agricultural policies, for example, that
work to distort international trade flows. By working to lower trade barriers
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everywhere, the nations of the world enhance the advantages of the "global
marketplace." I hope that the recent free-trade agreement between Canada and the
United States will be a harbinger of similar moves to reduce trade barriers elsewhere.
Also, we need more coordination on agreements in the area of technology and creative
patents. The recent round of talks in Uruguay were only a small step in this direction.
This, then, is a fruitful area for policy coordination that is woefully underexploited.
That is not to say that some attempts to achieve this kind of meaningful
coordination are not already underway. Unfortunately, their momentum has slowed
because of protectionist pressures in this country and the misplaced focus on exchange
rates. The failure of the U.S. trade balance to improve by a substantial amount has
brought forth demands from some quarters for more trade barriers. I am hopeful that
further improvement in the trade balance will contain these pressures and allow us to
meet global policy challenges in a more rational and productive manner.
In addition, under the U.S. political system of checks and balances there are
typically offsetting forces when public policy in one arm—or level--of government
approaches the shoals of folly. Today, the state and local governments, particularly here
in the Southeast, are well aware of the globalization of markets. Policymakers here
actively and successfully recruit foreign firms to make direct investments in the region.
In 1985, the latest year for which statistics are available, the Southeast had
proportionately more workers employed at foreign-owned businesses than in the U.S. as a
whole. Foreign-owned operations are especially prominent in retail trade, real estate,
and machinery production. Eighteen percent of downtown office space in Atlanta is
foreign-owned. I see no reason why this pattern of foreign direct investments should
change. Indeed, the dynamics of the current transition that has been my theme today
favors even more such activity, not just in the Southeast but nationwide. The dollar's
depreciation may increase the lure of foreign direct investment in the United States.
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Many foreign firms are taking advantage of the current situation to increase their
holdings here even as their exports to the U.S. decline.
Conclusion
In closing, I would like to end on a note of optimism. Let me remind you that the
world's advanced economies should advance this year on average at a rate of 2 percent.
That's respectable growth. At the same time, only moderate price pressures prevail
generally. Clearly, the American outlook is pretty positive. Furthermore, compared to a
worldwide recession, slow growth in the rest of the industrialized world does not look bad
even though it is lower than it could be.
It is true that past strategies like currency targeting probably cannot speed up
that growth to potential. Moreover, broader-based agreements are harder to reach when
domestic values and economic circumstances differ sharply, as they do now.
Nonetheless, the investment flows that I just mentioned, through their impact on the
community, management styles, technological innovations and the like, foster a more
positive orientation toward the importance of international economic linkages. These, in
turn, should lend support to the leaders of the world's industrialized nations in working to
dismantle the many barriers that impede trade or in reaching some other kind of policy
coordination. As this comes to pass, we will move faster toward the one value which we
all share-higher living standards for people in every country.
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Cite this document
APA
Robert P. Forrestal (1988, March 29). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19880330_robert_p_forrestal
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19880330_robert_p_forrestal,
author = {Robert P. Forrestal},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1988},
month = {Mar},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19880330_robert_p_forrestal},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}