speeches · March 14, 1988
Regional President Speech
Robert P. Forrestal · President
DEREGULATION OF THE FINANCIAL SERVICES INDUSTRY
Remarks by Robert P. Forrestal, President
Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta
To the Big Bend Chapter of the Bank Administration Institute
March 15,1988
Good evening! It is certainly a pleasure to be invited to join in your BAI meeting
here in Tallahassee. I would like to use this opportunity to look at the current state of
deregulation in the financial services industry. As you all know, deregulation is
proceeding in fits and starts. Some significant advances have been achieved, but there
are still major changes we need to make in order to attain the benefits that less
regulation and more competition will bring.
The moratorium on new powers that was part of last August's banking act has
expired. Though we may not see any real action before the election, I think there is
more agreement than ever that several important issues need to be resolved without
further delay. This gathering momentum places us at what may be another watershed in
deregulation, particularly with respect to geographical deregulation and the expansion of
banking powers.
What I would like to do this evening, then, is to give a brief overview of where we
have come in the effort to deregulate banking. Next I will spend a few moments
discussing the need for timely action to bring down the barriers to full nationwide
interstate banking. After that, I will talk about how I feel we should go about addressing
the issue of extending other new powers to banks.
The Accomplishments of Deregulation
There is no need for me to go into the history of banking before deregulation. I am
sure most of you remember well the days when banks were banks and thrifts were thrifts,
when the differences between banking and commerce were sharply defined, and when
interest rates were held in place by fixed ceilings. Some of you may recall them as the
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"good old days," and in many ways life was simpler. Developments during that period,
especially during the 1970s when the world around us was changing dramatically, left
banks at a disadvantage in the face of competition from sources that were not
regulated. In particular, technological innovations, especially in data processing and
communications, and dramatic swings in interest rates created attractive opportunities
for brokerage houses and other nonbank firms to offer some banking type services at
better rates than banks could afford. Banks simply could not compete under these
conditions.
The response of Congress, the bank regulatory agencies, and the states was a fair
amount of ad hoc deregulation. Congress enacted the most important of these changes,
deposit interest rate deregulation, in 1980. It was essential to allow banks and thrifts to
pay competitive interest rates to keep these institutions liquid, and the legislation
gradually removed almost all the ceilings on deposit rates. The Monetary Control Act in
1980 (MCA 80) extended the Fed’s financial services to all depository institutions,
regardless of whether they were members or nonmembers or banks or thrifts.
Another significant move was the expansion of thrifts’ powers authorized by both
MCA 80 and the Garn St Germain Act in 1982. The latter gave S<5cLs and savings banks
broader lending powers. It also allowed all depository financial institutions to offer
accounts that earned interest and permitted some check-writing features—MMDAs and
NOW accounts. On another front, the Comptroller relaxed restrictions on chartering new
national banks, doing away with the test of economic need. For a time the Federal Home
Loan Bank Board did the same for S&Ls. Regulators also provided for some deregulation
by allowing banking organizations to form discount brokerages and investment advisory
services.
State legislatures also took a hand in deregulation. Many of the states at first
relaxed geographic restrictions on multioffice banking within their borders. Then as
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Congress failed to act on interstate restrictions, the states took the issue into their own
hands with a variety of interstate banking laws. States also attempted to provide some
product deregulation by allowing the banks they chartered to engage in activities
prohibited to national banks and nonbank subsidiaries of bank holding companies.
Despite the patchwork nature of these deregulatory gestures, in sum they have
resulted in two major accomplishments. They have blurred the lines that once separated
banks and savings and loans, and they have also attacked the walls between banks and
nonbank financial institutions. The distinction between banks and thrifts was already
becoming anachronistic by the early 1980s. This is a trend that I think will continue,
given the availability of alternative forms of housing finance that are now available and
the problems in many thrift institutions.
The Garn St Germain Act of 1982 also struck down some of the barriers between
banking and other types of financial firms by allowing banks and thrifts to offer MMDAs
and NOW accounts. The prohibition against banks’ offering interest-bearing transactions
accounts, along with the continued imposition of interest-rate ceilings, had originally
been intended to wall banks off from other commercial enterprises and make them
"special.” Instead the regulations had fallen out of step with the realities of the time and
were choking off depository institutions’ profitability.
Banks are still struggling with profitability. Indeed, recent years’ declining
profitability figures could augur additional troubles. This problem is quite severe among
the smallest banks, which suggests to me that we will see more failures as time goes on.
Chronic declines in profitability certainly point to some root cause, but observers
are divided on the question of what that cause might be. Some see the culprit as
inadequate deregulation, and there is certainly some truth to their arguments in regard
to geographic restrictions. Others, especially banks, see the problem as a playing field
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that is still not level. Banks are unable to offer a full range of services and view this
state of affairs as especially constraining in the face of continuing competition from
nonbanking companies. As I see it, however, several questions must be resolved before
further powers can safely be granted. The most important of these is federal deposit
insurance. I do not think it is wise to allow that safety net to underwrite any more risk
than it already does. Consequently, in my view, new powers should only be considered—
not enacted—until we have resolved the problems entailed in today's overly expansive
safety net. Because geographic restrictions and new powers constitute two of the
broadest areas of concern, I would like to address each of these two issues individually.
The Need to Finalize National Interstate Banking
As you all know, bankers in the Southeast stood out as leaders in promoting the
spread of interstate banking earlier in this decade. Florida and Georgia were among the
first states to pass laws allowing bank holding companies from other states to purchase
banks headquartered locally. However, this type of state banking legislation, which has
also been adopted by other southeastern states, carried the condition that this privilege
should be extended essentially within this immediate region. Banks from outside the
region are still barred from entry.
While the regional compact arrangement was a progressive move at the time, the
momentum of geographic deregulation has shifted to national rather than regional
arrangements. Of the 40 or so states that have some form of interstate banking
legislation on their books, seven permit unrestricted entry by holding companies from
other states. A few others allow entry by banks from reciprocating states anywhere in
the nation. By 1990 legislation now in force in about half the states will open their
borders entirely to nationwide banking or at least allow such reciprocal arrangements.
Clearly, the most efficient way to proceed toward nationwide interstate banking
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would be for Congress to enact such legislation. However, I do not think we will see any
significant movement on the part of lawmakers in Washington in the near future. For
that reason it may be time for state legislatures in this region to consider taking the
initiative again and allowing entry to banks from outside the region. I think there are
several reasons why further progress toward interstate banking makes good sense, both
from the standpoint of bankers and consumers.
Let me begin by answering the argument of most opponents of nationwide
interstate banking in the Southeast and elsewhere. These critics say that the local
character of our banking markets should be protected against manipulation by outsiders.
They view these outsiders as insensitive to local needs. In many ways, this is a
reincarnation of earlier arguments against the expansion of bank holding companies
within the states. Owners of small banks staunchly supported such a view because they
feared they would not be able to compete against large, urban-based institutions. Indeed,
a similar logic—one that was even more protective—had previously led to prohibitions
against the opening of branch banks outside a parent bank's home counties. This
provision is still on the books in some states.
Just as these past concerns proved to be unfounded, I feel there is no reason to
believe that well-managed banks in our region would be damaged by the onset of
nationwide interstate banking. The Southeast's banks are in excellent shape to meet
competition from outside institutions. We can see this most easily when we compare
banks by measures of capital rather than size. It is true that only a few of our banks
rank among the top 25 in the nation from the standpoint of total assets. However,
southeastern banks perform especially well when measured according to standards like
profitability and capital-to-asset ratios, which give a better picture of relative
strength. Our large banks actually begin to look dominant when we consider the prices of
their stock. Their consistent good performance implies that investors remain bullish on
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our region’s banking institutions. The access to new markets that would come from
liberalizing current restrictions could allow banks here to become even stronger.
At the same time, I have no concern that the responsiveness of banks to local
conditions would disappear. Over the years, experience has demonstrated the need for
close-up knowledge of local markets in making loans. Banks headquartered outside a
local area have strong incentives to use people with such expertise because they may not
be able to compete successfully in local markets if they fail to do so. Rather than
becoming insensitive, it is much more likely that the outsiders will bring in new products
and new ways of doing business. These innovations in turn will increase the variety of
services available in the community and make for more competitive pricing. Local banks
must adapt to new competition, but, when faced with challenges like these, most have
shown that they can adapt successfully. At the same time, recent history in Atlanta,
Florida, and elsewhere provides ample evidence that new banks will quickly be set up to
take up the slack if existing institutions fail to meet local markets' needs.
For these reasons, I do not believe our banks and the communities they serve have
any real need to fear competition from outside banks. In addition, there are tangible
benefits which nationwide interstate banking would bring to consumers and businesses in
this region—indeed, throughout the country. The most compelling case in favor of
broader interstate powers is that greater competition among existing banks and the
potential new entrants into local markets would tend to enhance banking products and
prices for all of us. This would even be true for individuals and businesses in areas where
no interstate banking firm actually set up shop. Just the possibility that such a
competitor were "waiting in the wings" to pick up any slack in service would tend to
enforce market discipline on existing banks.
When we add up the likely effects of full interstate banking, the benefits seem to
outweigh the costs. Banks in the Southeast have much to gain from further developing
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their links to money and capital markets outside our region. Our banks also have much to
lose if they are left behind by financial institutions in other states and regions that are
more directly and efficiently strengthening their integration to the nation’s and the
world's financial networks. Thus, I feel it is time to make a renewed effort to achieve
full geographic deregulation.
Shrinking the Safety Net as a Basis for Further Product Deregulation
Turning to the question of further product deregulation, I again believe there is
much that needs to be done. In this case, however, the complexity of the issues requires
that we proceed with caution. There are at least three factors that call for such
prudence. First, not all institutions are healthy enough to withstand the stresses that
deregulation would bring to bear upon them. Second, the public does not have sufficient
information at its disposal to allow it to make intelligent choices among the more or less
risky options with which deregulation could present them. Third, and most importantly,
we have allowed the safety net provided by deposit insurance to become so extensive
that it protects parts of the business that were not intended to be insured in the first
place.
By insuring depositors, something to which we as a nation have become deeply
committed, we have inadvertently created incentives to bank managers to undertake
excessive risks, especially when their institutions are already facing problems.
Moreover, because the implicit safety net has been broadened by bailouts of major failed
institutions, it diminishes not only depositors' but also stockholders’ and other creditors'
incentives to monitor the activities of their financial institutions. This is the problem
economists call moral hazard, but it is no mere economic abstraction. The cost of
failures to the FSLIC ought to teach us this lesson. If we were to grant banks wholesale
new powers in the present context, there could well be an enormous drain in the now
healthy FDIC fund because new powers also often entail higher risks.
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These difficulties have also been recognized by regulators and other financial
industry analysts. Their thoughts have coalesced into several interesting proposals for
restructuring the financial services industry. In general, though, those suggestions cling
to the concept of a separation between banking and commerce. This division would be
maintained by so-called "firewalls" or "Chinese walls," which would create barriers
between types of institutions or between the various divisions within an institution.
What I propose is that instead of building or repairing walls to separate institutions,
we focus our strategy on narrowing the safety net as a prelude to granting banks new
powers over time. My proposal is to limit federal insurance to transactions accounts,
which would be backed by U.S. government securities. These accounts could be offered
by entities that were owned by financial holding companies. The other subsidiaries of
such holding companies would eventually be allowed to perform even commercial
activities. The fail-safe entities would, though, be distinct from all other affiliates
including what we now know as banks and thrifts. The latter could also offer
transactions accounts. However, like insurance, securities, and other liabilities that
ultimately could be offered through affiliates of financial holding companies, bank and
thrift liabilities, including deposits, would not be publicly insured.
This approach is, I feel, more practical than the major proposals for banking
currently being discussed because it moves the focus away from the notion that we can
control risk in the financial services industry by setting up a segmented structure for
banking. As time goes on, any kind of walls we create to reinforce that structure will
develop holes and crumble. This occurs partly because of the predictable economic
incentives to avoid any binding regulation. In addition, as I said a moment ago, two of
the major achievements of deregulation so far have been to bring down the walls between
banks and thrifts on the one hand and between depository institutions and nonbank banks
on the other. It makes no sense to halt or reverse progress in that direction.
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You might be wondering why it is necessary to maintain one narrow, separate
entity under these circumstances. Even though I do not think that banks should be
treated as "special" in today's marketplace, in my opinion, money should be treated as a
special element in the economy. Money serves as our most liquid asset. It is a sort of
anchor at one end of the range of financial assets, and I believe that there is a legitimate
demand from the public that the anchor be secured by the government. We can and we
should meet that demand with a safe asset that will act as a transactions medium and
link individuals and businesses to the payments mechanism.
A special entity offering checking accounts and holding only government securities
would provide safety for money and be inherently constrained from taking substantial
risks. Since fraud is always an unfortunate possibility, though, some government
guarantee and supervision would probably be needed.
Once we have narrowed the safety net by providing that only the anchor asset
would be insured and have educated the public regarding the new arrangement, we could
then gradually begin granting expanded powers to banks. We would be left at that point
with multi-activity holding companies which were chartered to offer insured accounts in
an affiliate as part of their range of services. While particular activities would probably
continue to be regulated, the organizational form would not be, with the exception of the
insured depository. In that case, much of what is now done by bank examiners would
become, for the most part, a market mechanism. The people to whom financial
institutions owe money would increase their vigilance and exercise the power to punish
excessive risk very quickly by withdrawing funds or demanding a higher return.
Conclusion
As I suggested at the outset, I think we have a historic opportunity to make the
banking system more responsive to consumer needs, more efficient, and more
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competitive in the world economy. We can best seize that opportunity by moving to
unify the various regulations now in force to achieve full nationwide interstate banking.
We can take a second decisive step toward unifying the financial services industry by
shrinking the federal deposit insurance safety net as a precursor to fuller product
deregulation. I have no doubt that numerous challenges stand before us in the effort to
achieve this consolidation of service and security. Nevertheless, I believe that by acting
in a deliberate manner, we can work from our base in the present structure toward a
redefinition of the financial services industry that acquits our obligation to maintain the
safety and soundness of the system while at the same time moving us much closer to the
goal of effective deregulation.
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Cite this document
APA
Robert P. Forrestal (1988, March 14). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19880315_robert_p_forrestal
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19880315_robert_p_forrestal,
author = {Robert P. Forrestal},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1988},
month = {Mar},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19880315_robert_p_forrestal},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}