speeches · May 15, 1985
Regional President Speech
Robert P. Forrestal · President
DEVELOPING TRENDS IN FINANCIAL SERVICES AND THEIR IMPACT ON THRIFTS
Remarks of
Mr. Robert P. Forrestal
President
Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta
to the Annual Stockholders Meeting of the
Federal Home Loan Bank of Atlanta
Atlanta, Georgia
May 16, 1985
It’s a real pleasure for me to be here with you this morning at your annual
stockholders’ meeting. The fast pace of change and the intense level of competition
that have become prevalent in today’s financial service industry present challenges and
opportunities to all financial institutions. I would like to talk about the forces underlying
the changes we have witnessed and their implications for the future. I’ll also have
some comments on the impact of these changes on thrifts and the outlook for S&Ls
in tomorrow’s financial services industry.
Financial Services—Today Versus Yesterday
In order to see where the financial services industry is headed, I think it’s a
good idea to look around and see where we stand today compared with, say, the situation
10 years ago. If a banker, or the president of a thrift, whose work experience spanned
the decades from the 1930s to the 1960s were, like Rip Van Winkle, to awaken today
from a 20-year slumber, he would scarcely recognize his old profession. This old-timer
would discover that while he was napping, market forces had changed the regulated
world of the past into one that requires much more creativity and less adherence to
procedures. Not many years ago, the world of depository institutions was surrounded by
a fence posted liberally with ’’no trespassing’’ signs. Within that fence were walls that
neatly segmented the various types of depository institutions. You could tell them apart
a mile away: savings and loan associations could not offer checking accounts or anything
resembling them. Neither could credit unions. Commercial lending was reserved strictly
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for bankers, but virtually all aspects of investment banking, including brokerage services,
were off-limits to commercial banks.
The institutions within that fence were closely regulated. Rigid limitations
restricted their freedom to establish branches or other offices, and banks’ markets were
generally confined to their own states or even to certain counties or regions within
those states. Other inflexible restrictions regulated their ability to expand product
lines. Savings and loan associations could not expand beyond the household mortgage
market. Legal ceilings created a cap on the level of interest rates both banks and
thrifts could pay on various kinds of deposits, dampening any competition that might
emerge. During this long period of shelter from outside competition, financial institutions
were almost guaranteed a profitable operation if they complied with regulations, did
their arithmetic carefully, and offered a reasonable level of service to their depositors.
Banks and thrifts did not chafe at their geographic limitations, or they did not mount
pressures to remove such limitations, in large part because their local and state markets
tended to provide good profits within the sheltered regulatory environment. Competition
within the enclosure was muted, and potential competitors showed little desire to offer
financial services and, thus, penetrate the regulatory fence. The friction introduced
by interest ceilings made the situation appear stable for a while since these ceilings
deterred nonbanking financial institutions from entering the markets traditionally
dominated by banks, savings and loans, and credit unions.
Today, the situation is quite different. Some gaping holes have been torn through
that once-protective fence. Many of the "no trespassing" signs have been trampled
down, and the walls within that fence have been breached so often that many depositors
forget they ever existed. The first major change to occur was in the type of businesses
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offering financial services. Beginning in 1973, Dreyfus, Merrill Lynch, and other
nonbanking financial service companies began offering money market mutual funds.
These interest-bearing accounts were a close substitute for bank deposits, and their
popularity accelerated sharply in the latter half of the 1970s. The institutional expansion
of financial service providers has not been limited to nonbanking financial companies.
Even nonfinancial companies, such as Sears and the finance company subsidiaries of
GM, GE, and other manufacturers, have played an increasing role in the line of commerce
that was once the exclusive domain of banks. Such companies have expanded beyond
their traditional roles of financing the products of their parents and are competing
more and more in the markets once dominated by commercial banks.
Another major change was in the area of geographic expansion. Interstate banking
has been spreading rapidly. By the end of this year we will find banks from about
one-third of the states operating deposit-taking offices in at least 40 states. What's
more, individual states have adopted laws that allow out-of-state banks to operate
within their borders, further weakening geographic limitations. In all, about half the
states have approved laws of this type, and over one-fifth have adopted regional
reciprocal interstate banking laws. The latter are concentrated primarily in New
England and the Southeast. The geographic expansion of savings and loans has advanced
even farther. S&Ls have had the authority to expand within their states and across
state lines for several years.
This geographic and institutional expansion of financial markets has occurred in
tandem with product expansion. Institutions have bypassed the old restrictions on
product lines. Banks and thrifts have the money market deposit account and the Super
NOW account with which to compete against money market funds, and they have had
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some success in drawing back deposits formerly lost to nonbanking financial institutions.
In addition, some banks offer discount brokerage services. Thrifts and credit unions
offer checking accounts, and a myriad of new financial instruments and services are
available to the consumer.
A final major difference between today's and yesterday's financial services
industry pertains to the character or style of business. The industry seems to have
lost some of its staid and stable character. In the last two years the number of bank
failures has increased sharply, from about four per year in the sixties and about eight
per year in the seventies to 48 in 1983 and 79 last year. These failures occurred at
FDIC-insured commercial banks. More recently one of the nation's largest banks
virtually failed, and only a month or so ago problems with S&Ls in Ohio alarmed
depositors and financial markets here and abroad.
Forces of Change
How did all this happen? How and why did our traditionally conservative sector
of the economy undergo such dramatic changes in so short a time? As I see it, three
fundamental forces account for these changes. These are inflation, technology, and
competition, with its attendant pressures for deregulation. Market forces and inflation
deserve much of the credit—or blame, depending on your perspective—for interest-rate
deregulation. The acceleration of inflation in the 1970s began to make traditional
savings accounts, with their interest rate ceilings, look less appealing to depositors.
Who could get excited about earning 5 1/2 percent when inflation was shrinking the
buying power of deposits faster than the accrued interest increased their nominal value?
Investors sought and found opportunities to earn more. Some unregulated and quite
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innovative businesses on the other side of the fence recognized the opportunity and
conceived the money market fund.
Since those outside businesses were free of the regulations limiting banks and
thrift institutions, they could offer depositors market rates of interest on funds placed
with them. The result was inevitable: investors searching for more lucrative returns
began to remove their deposits from depository institutions and to swell those money
market funds. The fence that once seemed to shelter the regulated depositories quickly
began to look more like a prison wall. Banks, savings and loans, and credit unions
could not win at their own game. These competitive problems faced by traditional
financial institutions generated momentum for the drive to liberalize government
regulations. Many regulatory restrictions have been eliminated. Today, the deregulation
of interest rates on deposits is virtually complete. Only passbook savings accounts,
NOW accounts, and, of course, demand deposits are limited by interest ceilings. Ceilings
on all interest-earning accounts will be eliminated on or before March 31, 1986.
Deregulation and innovation are also eroding barriers to interstate banking and
product diversification. Although the legislative barriers to interstate banking still
stand, banking across state lines has, nonetheless, emerged as a marketplace reality.
Through a variety of strategems—including such devices as loan production offices, bank
holding company subsidiaries, and the so-called "nonbank banks" and "nonthrift
thrifts"—firms ranging from banks and S&Ls to supermarkets and general merchandisers
are offering a mixture of financial services through offices scattered from the Atlantic
to the Pacific. If we count the number of offices of foreign banks, Edge Act corporations,
loan production offices, and other nonbanking subsidiaries of banks and bank holding
companies as well as grandfathered interstate banking offices that are operating across
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state lines, the number of interstate offices offering various types of banking services
totals almost 8,000! When you compare this figure to the number of commercial banks
in the United States—a total of 15,000 with 55,000 offices engaged in full-service
banking, you can see that we have an enormous amount of interstate banking already.
Some of the latest proliferation of interstate banking offices has occurred as a
result of a Congressional loophole—the 4 (c) 8 clause of the Bank Holding Company
Act, defining a bank as an institution that accepts deposits and makes commercial
loans. Some financial corporations interpreted that clause to mean that subsidiaries
which engage in one, but not both, of these two functions could legally offer such
services across state lines. This either/or interpretation gave rise to the term "nonbank
bank," with which you're all now quite familiar. I sometimes awaken from a dream,
or perhaps a nightmare, in which a non-Fed Fed is trying to oversee these nonbank
banks. After a lengthy period of legal wrangling, and after it became apparent that
Congress was not likely to address the issue anytime soon, last fall the Comptroller of
the Currency approved a number of long-pending applications for nonbank bank charters.
Over 100 were subsequently approved by the Comptroller, the chief regulator of national
banks. However, a suit by the Florida Independent Bankers Association challenging the
jurisdiction of the Comptroller over nonbank entities has brought the former flood of
approvals to a standstill, and the status of nonbank banks remains in legislative and
judicial limbo.
Our legislators in Washington and in state capitals may debate the merits of
these trends for a few more years, and they may influence the speed and course of
interstate banking. Nonetheless, it is probably too late for legislators to stem the tide
of interstate banking that is being propelled by market forces. The same is true of
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the judicial decisions pending. Early in 1985 the U.S. Supreme Court agreed to determine
the constitutionality of state banking laws that limit interstate mergers to certain other
states. The case before the Supreme Court was filed by Citicorp and New England
Bancorp of New Haven, Connecticut. They are challenging the Federal Reserve Board’s
approval of mergers under state laws that limit such mergers to states participating in
the New England regional interstate compact. That decision is of particular interest to
us here in the Southeast, of course, but it will also be watched closely by legislators
from other states such as Oregon, where regional interstate banking is under
consideration. It could have implications for the merger of Florida’s Sun Banks and
Trust Company of Georgia as well since Citicorp has also filed suit in the U.S. Court
of Appeals for the Second District in New York to block the SunTrust merger. It is
difficult to predict when the Supreme Court’s ruling may be issued, although present
indications are that a decision could be forthcoming by late July. Even if the case
were delayed until the fall term in October, however, interstate deposit taking would
not necessarily slow.
At the same time that deteriorating legal barriers and intensifying competitive
pressures have been transforming the financial services industry in dramatic ways, a
technological revolution has been taking place in our payments system and, thereby,
contributed significantly to changes in the nature of financial services. ATMs and
other computerized services put customers and financial institutions in touch more
quickly without the personnel and capital expense of bricks-and-mortar branches. Thus,
the physical branch system of banks and S&Ls, one of their unique features, has become
less significant. Moreover, banks’ direct access to the payments clearing mechanism
has lost some of its importance. Although checks and cash will remain important into
the foreseeable future, paperless transactions involving wire transfers and automated
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clearinghouses are growing far more rapidly. Networks linking automated teller machines
are offering consumers unprecedented convenience. For example, travelers a thousand
miles from home can withdraw or borrow cash after regular business hours. When you
stop to think of it, you cannot help but be amazed by the sweeping changes that have
taken place. Those ahead may be still more amazing.
The Future of Financial Services
Where are financial services going, and what will it be like to do business in
banks, savings and loans, and credit unions of the future? As I see it, four major
forces will shape the course of tomorrow's financial services industry. These are
macroeconomic growth, further increases in competition, regulatory changes, and even
more exciting technological innovations. Clearly, macroeconomic factors will play an
important and, I believe, positive role in determining the direction taken by banks,
thrifts, and other financial institutions. Provided progress can be made toward lowering
the very large federal budget deficit, the U.S. economy is likely to grow at a healthy
pace over the next decade. Such growth should help mitigate problems such as the
high incidence of failures. This expected expansion will also increase demand for all
kinds of financial services, thereby creating an environment of growth and opportunities
for financial institutions in general.
Since this sort of macroeconomic growth will require a stable as well as a highly
developed and responsive financial system, we will probably experience some changes
in the regulatory environment to ensure the continuing soundness of our financial system.
Increases in bank capital ratios have already been enacted. We may see a change in
deposit insurance. Critics of the present system have proposed deposit insurance fees
based on risk, strict limits on payoffs for failed institutions, private co-insurance, and
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more intense supervision. The thrust of recommendations put forth by regulatory
agencies other than the Federal Reserve is to place more risk on depositors. Under
these various proposals, depositors would bear more of the cost of risk either because
institutions would be charged for their riskiness and pass the added costs along to
customers or because insurance coverage would be limited. In either case, more of
the burden of assessing risk would fall on customers. None of the proposals is free
from bugs; none is terribly attractive. I believe that there will be some reform,
however. In addition, we may see the termination of state-based insurance systems.
Recent events in Ohio have dramatized the fact that such systems are not truly workable
over the long run.
Notwithstanding the probability of some regulatory reform, in my opinion, the
major thrust will be toward further deregulation. Laws and regulations, no matter how
well thought out, are proving to be flimsy indeed when pitted against market forces
that push money flows into their most profitable uses. External competition will
continue from Sears, Kroger, Merrill Lynch, and other nonbanking companies as well
as from foreign institutions. Personally, I believe that Congress should close the nonbank
bank and nonthrift thrift loopholes and provide a comprehensive statutory framework
for interstate banking. Yet whatever happens, within five to seven years I feel banks
will be able to operate across state lines nationwide. On the question of new powers,
there needs to be serious consideration of the risks involved even though it is likely
that banks will steadily broaden the services they offer.
In addition, consolidation of institutions will continue or even accelerate, although
I doubt that financial services in this country will be dominated by a handful of large
institutions as is the case in Canada and certain other developed countries. The type
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and size of America's financial institutions will remain varied because, beyond the
range of $75-$100 million in assets, economies of scale apparently begin to diminish
significantly. Furthermore, large institutions have not significantly penetrated the
markets or slowed the growth of smaller ones when they have entered into direct
competition. One reason is that small institutions can offer many of the same high
volume services as large institutions through the vehicle of franchising, which enables
small institutions to provide many of the low-cost services available at larger, more
bureaucratic financial institutions without diminishing the special features that
distinguish small institutions from larger ones.
Policy Implications
What can policymakers in Congress, in the Federal Home Loan Bank, and at the
Federal Reserve do to ameliorate your troubled situation? I seriously doubt that more
powers will be extended to thrifts to enhance their competitive position nor do I feel
that such an extension would be appropriate. The implications of extensive real estate
development activities by thrifts, already permitted by some states, is especially
worrisome. Actually, we probably need closer and better supervision of current activities
in view of the increased powers granted thrifts and the far greater complexity of
today's financial services. One of the most important actions that Congressional
policymakers could take would be to close some of the loopholes created in recent
years. Such legislation, if sufficiently comprehensive, would reestablish the historical
barrier that existed between finance and commerce without rolling back many of the
advantages to the consumer and the economy in general that have occurred as the
result of deregulation. Although I am a firm believer in deregulation in financial
services, I believe that this barrier is one that needs to be kept in good repair in view
of the critical role of finance in the functioning of any economy and the special safety
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net that has been constructed over the years for various segments of the financial
services industry because of this key economic role. Clearly, these advantages and
securities were never intended for the vast majority of commercial enterprises, yet
the stability of our economic system would be jeopardized by removing them from the
financial sector.
When I speak of more comprehensive legislation, the part that is most relevant
to your situation is the nonbank bank loophole, which I mentioned earlier. I believe
Congress should close this back door for commercial establishments to enter the financial
services industry. However, to be effective, our representatives in Washington must
also preclude the formation of nonthrift thrifts. If Congress fails to write such a
provision into any legislative corrections to the existing loophole, commercial enterprises
could well move headlong into the thrift industry, especially since it retains some
regulatory advantages over banking. Finally, such legislation must provide some
meaningful test of what constitutes a thrift. Simply dealing in the mortgage market
should not qualify institutions for the regulatory advantages held by institutions that
have extensive commitments in their portfolios to housing finance.
In addition to legislative action dealing specifically with financial services, I
believe that the single most important policy direction that could be undertaken to
help thrifts is to reduce the very large federal budget deficit. Large federal deficits
tend to exert upward pressure on interest rates. We have felt that pressure in the
current expansion only to a limited extent in traditionally credit-sensitive industries
like housing because of the availability of foreign savings to help finance America’s
debt. About one-fourth of our net investment needs in 1984 were met by foreign
sources of funds. However, this inflow of foreign funds entails a very high indirect
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cost for U.S. manufacturing and agriculture in that the high exchange rate of the dollar
which accompanies this foreign investment makes it difficult for American businesses
to export and to compete against cheaper foreign imports. Moreover, this level of
foreign capital inflow is not likely to continue indefinitely. If it should diminish sharply,
it's unlikely that Americans’ savings habits could alter fast enough to maintain aggregate
investment at the status quo ante. The effect of a sudden shift in portfolio preference
away from the dollar would probably be felt by thrifts in the form of higher interest
rates and a possible downturn in the housing industry. In contrast, if significant progress
could be made to reduce the deficit, then inflationary expectations should wane.
Moreover, since the deficit consumes the equivalent of over half our net domestic
savings, a major source of upward pressure on interest rates would be lessened, thereby
giving S&Ls more breathing room and more time to make the necessary adjustments
to compete in tomorrow’s competitive environment.
Conclusion
Let me conclude by reminding you of the challenges in the financial services
industry today. In the case of thrifts, the paramount challenge is to steer a middle
way toward diversification. That course lies between the Scylla of inaction and undue
caution and the Charybdis of excessively risky ventures. Despite the sometimes
intimidating nature of the developments taking place and the problems you confront,
thrifts have greater opportunities than ever before as the financial services industry
becomes less regulated, more diversified, and more dynamic. In moving to take
advantage of those opportunities, I am hopeful that savings and loans, through
diversification and prudent management, will find ways to survive and prosper, and in
the process, I am sure, you will provide better financial services to the public.
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Cite this document
APA
Robert P. Forrestal (1985, May 15). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19850516_robert_p_forrestal
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19850516_robert_p_forrestal,
author = {Robert P. Forrestal},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1985},
month = {May},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19850516_robert_p_forrestal},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}