speeches · July 23, 1984
Regional President Speech
Robert P. Forrestal · President
Implications of Banking Deregulation
Remarks of
Robert P. Forrestal
President
Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta
to the
Atlanta Group
Robert Morris Associates
Atlanta, Georgia
J?dy 24, 1984
The Robert Morris Associates have a long and distinguished record
of service to banking, and it is an honor for me to be invited to
share with you some thoughts about recent regulatory and financial
structure changes that have profound implications for the banking
profession.
We understand that Atlanta will soon become the site of
RMA’s first regional office, and it will be a genuine pleasure to
welcome that office to Atlanta and to help it, if we may, to
accomplish its mission.
It is people like yourselves who will be involved in making
the important adjustments during this period of transition.
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Personally, I’m persuaded that the users of banking services will
benefit from these changes. As for banks, however, there will be
winners and losers. The winners will be the innovative and efficient
ones. Incidentally, some of the winners won’t even be banks; they’ll
be the nondepository institutions like Sears Roebuck and Merrill
Lynch — firms that have already convincingly demonstrated their
ability to move into the banks’ turf through the ’’nonbank bank”
route. With all its hazards, however, the new environment holds
many opportunities, and it has always been my experience that the
alert and imaginative bankers invariably know what to do with
opportunities.
Recently, three primary groups of regulations have been in
the process of change. Those three groups are deposit interest
rate, geographic, and activity (or product) regulations. They are
all being relaxed or, perhaps more important, side-stepped through
innovation. I would like to discuss the demise of each of these
groups of regulations and to tell you what I believe are some of
the implications.
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Interest Rate Deregulation: More Competition, Sharper Pencils
Let’s begin with deposit interest rate degregulation. All
interest rate regulation on banks and thrifts is gone except the zero
interest limit on demand deposits and the low interest rate limits
on NOW accounts and savings deposits.
I can recall the time not long ago when some corporate
treasurers and others who had funds to manage simply placed those
funds with conveniently located banks in either demand deposits or
low yielding time deposits. Because of interest rate ceilings, there
was little or no rate competition for the funds. There were almost
no monetary incentives for those money managers to consider
anything other than availability and proper security. With the
ceilings largely gone, increases in the level of interest rates and
the development of alternative instruments and markets have caused
money management to become a sophisticated, big-ticket operation.
The money manager is now a recognized, professional specialist
practicing an art that has nearly become a science.
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Elimination of deposit interest rate ceilings has induced many
banks to unbundle their services. They can analyze their operations
carefully and charge fees for services that were formerly paid for
with balances. Like most business customers, money managers
welcome the substitution of fees for balances. However, these
money managers may have found sharper analysis of the advantages
of all of today’s options more than a bit challenging.
Get ready for a further jolt. The move to strip interest
rate ceilings from transactions deposits has been only temporarily
arrested by current uneasiness about the banking system. It seems
likely to me that this move will bear fruit within the next couple
of years. Banks’ and thrifts’ interest margins may be squeezed
again. This could lead to further impositions of fees for services
rendered as banks make another round of adjustments in an effort
to make unprofitable accounts profitable again.
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Geographic Deregulation: It’s Already Here
Now, let’s turn to geographic deregulation, which is currently
a particularly hot issue in the Southeast. From the public’s point
of view, national interstate banking seems desirable. In any event,
it seems inevitable somewhere down the road. In the meantime,
however, adjoining states are beginning to develop agreements that
establish regional interstate banking. As you know, four of our
southeastern states have passed regional interstate banking laws:
Florida, Georgia, North Carolina and South Carolina.
The first point that I want to make about interstate banking
is that it already has become quite prevalent in many places.
Florida is a leader in interstate banking. The Sunshine State has
more than 375 offices of out-of-state bank holding companies
offering almost all bank services except on-site deposit-taking
offices. NCNB Corporation (of North Carolina) and Northern Trust
Company (of Illinois) operate more than 135 offices in the state.
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Now that NCNB has acquired Ellis Banking Corporation, it is
Florida’s fourth largest bank.
Edge Act corporations and offices of foreign banks with
multistate operations add 53 offices to the total of offices of out-
of-state banks. Eight of the nation’s largest thrift institutions
operate in Florida with offices that offer many banking services.
Citicorp has recently added a large Florida thrift to its already
extensive Florida operations. All told, more than 500 offices of
out-of-state banks, bank holding companies and thrift institutions
operate in Florida.
Interstate banking is not so prevalent in the other southeastern
states. But, each has some offices of out-of-state banks, ranging
from 3 in Arkansas to 370 in North Carolina in a count that we
did about a year and a half ago.
There is nothing in the cards that seems likely to wipe out
€' ■ *
existing interstate banking. Indeed, there are new breaches of the
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barriers separating the states almost every day, the most visible
from our southeastern perspective being the recent announcement
from the Trust Company of Georgia and Sun Banks of Florida of
their intention to merge. Unless the courts forbid it, U.S. Trust
Corporation of New York will convert its Miami trust office into
an FDIC-insured bank which will take all kinds of deposits and make
consumer loans. This could be the beginning of a new and significant
phase in the advance of interstate banking. The Comptroller of
the Currency has committed to approving hundreds of such interstate
expansions unless Congress forbids it by September 1 of this year.
These developments, I should point out, are being carried out under
the Bank Holding Company Act with the sometimes grudging approval
of the Federal Reserve Board.
In part because of the market forces generated by existing
interstate banking, several states have already taken it upon
themselves to pass interstate banking laws before the Congress
decides what is to be done on a national scale. So far, 20 states
have some sort of interstate banking laws. They range from that
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of Maine, which allows unlimited out-of-state holding company
acquisitions, to that of Iowa which allows a specific "grandfathered”
company to make acquisitions.
Seven states have now enacted regional, reciprocal banking
laws. The Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
eliminated much of the uncertainty about whether it would allow
bank holding companies to take advantage of these regional
interstate banking laws in late March by approving two interstate
acquisitions under such laws in New England. A lower court has
passed on one of these acquisitions; a federal appeals court has
stayed consummation of these acquisitions pending its decision on
the case. That decision is due any day now.
Georgia, Florida and the Carolinas are among the latest states
to enact regional reciprocal laws. As you are well aware, these
recently enacted statutes allow bank holding companies from other
southeastern states which pass similar laws to acquire banks in the
enacting states. Whatever the status of regional and national laws
at this point, there is also the issue of "nonbank banks.” Unless
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Congress acts to curb their growth, these institutions may in time
provide financial services all across the nation. The fine line that
separates their activities from those of banks may become impossible
to distinguish. In terms of their range of activities, in fact, they
have broader powers than banks. However, the market forces that
have already led to the de facto interstate moves of both banks
and ’’nonbank banks” are still at work, and it is probably only a
matter of time before the remaining legal barriers to nationwide
interstate banking crumble away altogether.
Competition: Probable Benefits Exceed Probable Costs
How will interstate banking affect competition? That’s
certainly a question that has been subject to a good deal of debate.
Most of the debate about interstate banking assumes
(correctly, I think) that larger banks will cross state lines with
acquisitions and that unacquired smaller banks and bank holding
companies will have to compete with larger banks than they do
now. Consequently, most of the evidence on benefits and costs of
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interstate banking comes from studies of differences between large
and small banks.
What do we know about competition between large and small
banks?
1. A large body of research on costs of producing basic
banking services—DDA, savings and time accounts, consumer and
commercial loans and investments—has concluded that larger banks
have no production cost advantages over small ones. The evidence
indicates that banks of about $100 million in asset size produce
basic banking services most efficiently. Banks smaller than these
may have substantial cost disadvantages; larger banks’ cost
disadvantages are slight.
2. Other studies of larger banks’ performance when they
enter new markets strongly suggest that they do not seriously harm
other banks or take away their market share. This has held true
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whether the larger banks entered with new operations or acquired
foothold banks or acquired dominant banks.
Even the large New York City banks have had a very difficult
time gaining market share in upstate New York since they entered
markets there in the early 1970s. By 1980, their average market
share gain in metropolitan areas was 1.3 percentage points. Spot
checks of 1982 branch data indicate that they are still making few,
if any, gains.
Large bank holding companies in the Southeast have had no
better records. Their de novo banks have done no better than
independent de novo banks in the same markets. When they have
acquired banks with large market shares, they typically have lost
market share in the aftermath.
3. Future introduction of computer techniques with
substantial economies of scale are not likely to harm small banks’
competitive position against large banks. The new technology is
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divisible. There will be numerous service companies, franchisers,
correspondents and cooperatives willing and able to run large service
operations and sell services to small banks. Small banks may even
have an advantage in this because they can avoid major capital
investments. That will allow them the flexibility to adopt new
techniques as they appear.
4. The threat of large banks gobbling up all other banks and
establishing a noncompetitive financial structure is further mitigated
by their present capital positions. Most of our country’s largest
banks have capital-asset ratios which are close to their regulatory
minimum. The present mood of the regulatory agencies suggests
they will, if anything, increase capital requirements. Most money
center banks will have limited capacity for interstate expansion
with current capital. To expand they would have to go to the
market for new capital.
5. Large banks are able to offer some sophisticated services
that small ones cannot offer competitively. They may be franchised
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to smaller institutions, however, in much the same way that
travelers’ checks have been. Entry of larger banks may add
convenience and flexibility for some customers who use those
sophisticated services.
Together, all these facts suggest that interstate banking does
not necessarily pose a threat to smaller bank holding companies and
independent banks. Nor does it seriously threaten to raise local
market concentration. Smaller holding companies and banks are
likely to survive if their managers are sharp and they plan ahead.
They will have to adapt to geographic deregulation, just as most
have successfully adapted to deposit interest rate deregulation. The
evidence from academic studies of costs and from market experience
indicates that they can.
If anything, the evidence suggests there will be more
competition for the business of those who have money to manage.
More competitors will enter some areas where profit opportunities
are greatest. In all areas, bankers will have to be more wary of
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new competitors "waiting in the wings" for a local bank to make
a mistake. Typically, new entrants are more competitive than old
ones, because they have to draw customers away from the old ones.
This may improve the quality and decrease the prices of some
financial services. It should also tend to increase the rates paid
for deposits.
We tend to think in terms of a smaller bank either being
gobbled up by a larger one or surviving as an independent, but there
is another possibility: We may see new "federated" management of
chains of community banks and other small financial institutions,
each with a great deal of local autonomy, regardless of ownership.
The Federal Reserve will, of course, continue to analyze
competitive effects of acquisitions and to deny acquisitions that
have seriously adverse effects, but we are not particularly concerned
that interstate banking will make this job more difficult.
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Certainly some banks will accept offers that they cannot
refuse from out-of-state acquirers. We will end up with fewer
banks than the 14,000 or so independent banking organizations that
we have now. Banking concentration in the nation will increase
but there is no reason to believe that the increase will be sufficient
to cause a threat to the public. More than enough banks will
remain to discipline any bank that tries to exploit a concentrated
position by charging higher prices, skimping on quality or paying
too little for deposits. The concentration of banking in the United
States is among the lowest, if not the lowest, of the developed
countries. Moreover, our banking markets are open to foreign
competitors, as well. It is highly unlikely that we will see great
concentration. In fact, we may even have too many banks.
Bank Safety; No Threat from Interstate Banking
Some observers have been wondering whether interstate
banking poses a threat to bank safety. By now, you have probably
gathered from my remarks that we do not expect to see it causing
an epidemic of trouble among small banks. Previous changes from
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unit banking or local branching to statewide holding companies or
branching have not had that effect, even in New York.
There are three other "safety and soundness" effects that
interstate banking may have, however. Two of these decrease our
concerns about safety, but one does give us some problems. First
the good news. Opening up state lines will make it easier for
regulators to find merger partners for failing banks. Congress saw
this when it passed the emergency provisions of the Garn-St Germain
Act. The emergency provisions of that law allow large bank and
thrift acquisitions across state lines under limited emergency
conditions, but they expire in 1985. Interstate banking would simply
make that principle permanent.
In addition, if larger banks are able to acquire deposits from
a broader geographic area, they may be able to shift the focus of
their deposit-seeking efforts from the money markets and abroad to
a more stable base of domestic individuals and corporations. As
you may have noted recently, the money markets frequently act
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like a stampeding herd; thus, a broader deposit base for large banks
may ease our minds about events that might under present conditions
make the markets nervous enough to start a run against a large bank.
On the other side of the safety coin, greater concentration
of deposits in large banks would make some banks harder to handle
in the event they get into trouble. It might also increase the
geographic spread of the problems caused for their customers.
Consequently, the pressure on regulatory and insuring agencies to
shore up the large banks and, implicitly, to give them more incentive
to take risks would increase.
This last concern worries me less than it might because I
see less danger, in practice, that concentration will increase
significantly and because large banks are likely to gain broader
deposit bases and greater asset diversification by going interstate.
Our concerns about interstate banking’s adverse implications
for competition and safety are not great. There are certainly net
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benefits for financial service customers in interstate banking’s
effects on competition. Safety implications may be positive also.
No epidemic of problem banks is likely, and we are ready to handle
isolated cases in which banks have adjustment problems.
Activity Deregulation: More Benefits
Now let’s turn to the area of activity or product deregulation.
Expanding the limits on activities that financial institutions perform
has taken place by law and market innovation over the past several
years. Most of the legal changes have impacted thrifts. They are
now allowed to serve most of the needs served by banks, but they
have been slow to take advantage of their new powers. Market
innovations have brought nondepository institutions into markets
formerly served mainly by banks. Banks have made a few stabs at
moving into the securities business.
Activity limits originally were placed on banks primarily to
ensure that they would not take excessive risks and to avoid
concentration of economic power. Our Research Department at
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the Atlanta Fed has recently done some studies and commissioned
other studies on the need for these limits and on the reaction of
bank customers to the idea of expanded activity powers for banks.
Our conclusions should interest you.
Soundness of banks and the banking system seems to be much
more closely related to banks’ management of risk than to banks’
ability to engage in risky activities. After all, we know that banks
can already take enough risks to seriously harm themselves. A few
of them have taken such risks and lost their bets, as you know.
The number of commercial bank failures was already up to 43 by
mid-July of this year. But most banks have managed their risks
well enough to stay in business.
Studies of the risks involved in activities such as securities
and insurance underwriting and brokerage and real estate brokerage
indicate that making these activities available to banks would not
necessarily increase banks’ risk.
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Indeed, in some cases, new activities afford the possibility
of decreasing banks’ overall risk. This can happen because the risk
of the activity is less than that of banking—as is life insurance
underwriting—or because income of an activity varies in a different
time pattern from banks’ income—as does income of securities
brokers. Despite this possible risk-reduction effect, there will still
be losers in any deregulation scenario.
The impact of product deregulation on concentration of
financial resources is not likely to be threatening to the safety of
deposits or the continuity of services from a bank. Activity
deregulation has and will continue to introduce new competitors
into most financial product markets. As I pointed out earlier, there
is little evidence that there are substantial economies of scale in
producing basic banking services, and the technology required for
some services can be obtained by small institutions through service
corporations or similar instruments. In addition, our antitrust laws
are available to limit actual anticompetitive behavior.
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On the one hand, activity deregulation itself should not
increase public concern about the future safety of the banks or
thrifts. Nor should it raise concerns about development of
noncompetitive markets in which customers may be gouged.
On the other hand, a majority of consumers and a substantial
minority of businesses appear to see some benefits from allowing
banks to do such things as underwrite revenue bonds, underwrite
and sell mutual funds, and act as insurance agents and underwriters.
Being able to get these services at the same place that they get
other important financial services may make their lives easier.
Adding banks as competitors in the markets for these services may
simplify their task of managing their financial resources.
Conclusions
The picture that I have painted of the future structure of
banking is one which has good and bad news for you. The financial
system is becoming more competitive. Customers should be able
to find more providers of the services they need. This implies
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lower prices and better service quality. They will, however, have
less chance of getting free rides. They will have to pay their way.
Customers may also find it necessary to become more
conscious of the safety of the institutions that they deal with,
although deregulation has not caused safety problems so far and
seems unlikely to. However, if deposit insurers continue to
experiment with partial payoffs of uninsured depositors, public
concern about the safety of the banks may lead customers to
critically analyze the banks’ financial condition. If the public grows
increasingly safety-conscious, lending officers will have to be sure
to protect their institution’s reputation for soundness. More and
more customers may begin to find out just where to look on a
bank’s conditon report to spot the early symptoms of problems.
One final point I'd like to make is that interstate banking
does not mean that funds will tend to leave their home state. That
argument will not wash. If there are profitable opportunities to
use deposits in your state, funds will find their way in. If there
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are not, even funds deposited with in-state banks will find their
way out. Geographic and interest rate deregulation will help insure
this free flow of funds.
You have some interesting times ahead as the structure of
the financial industry continues to evolve. Some of the changes
will cause you trouble. Most of them, however, will provide you
with new opportunities as you find your bank able to offer a wider
variety of services to a broader market. You will have to hustle
to survive, but, if you and your bank can spot the opportunities
early and have the skills to exploit them effectively, you can not
only survive but thrive.
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Cite this document
APA
Robert P. Forrestal (1984, July 23). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19840724_robert_p_forrestal
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19840724_robert_p_forrestal,
author = {Robert P. Forrestal},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1984},
month = {Jul},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19840724_robert_p_forrestal},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}