speeches · May 11, 1982
Regional President Speech
Silas Keehn · President
Remarks of Silas Keehn, President
Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago
Before The Bankers Club of Chicago
Chicago, Illinois
May 12, 1982
The Changing Regulatory Environment
Having spent over twenty years in commercial banking and having
developed some definite views and opinions about the proper role and position
of the regulator during that phase of my career, I find it more than a little
surprising to be here tonight as President of the Federal Reserve Bank of
Chicago--in the role of regulator.
Most of you have heard the old adage, "Where you stand on an issue
depends upon where you sit." If you accept that adage as true, you might
reasonable expect that there have been some changes in my views about regula-
tion. Participating in the formulation and implementation of regulations
does provide a different perspective. But much of what I learned as a
commercial banker about the ineffectiveness and inequities of many regulations
and the app!:"apriateness of a more limited regulatory environment still rings
true.
The major difference in the shift from a regulateeto a regulator is that
I now must consider regulation from the standpoint of the total banking and
financial system rather than from the viewpoint of an individual bank or bank
holding company. I have become more keenly aware of how different the effects
are for banks depending on their location, their markets and their size.
Being on the other side of the desk I also know how sharply these differences
are felt and how forcefully they are expressed. This is not an insignificant
hurdle and one that must be overcome in developing a better regulatory climate.
But, these differences among banks need not be such a barrier. There are
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plenty of opportunities that do exist and will continue to exist in the
financial environment of tomorrow--and that holds true for all banks, large
and small alike.
Tonight, I'd like to talk with you about my current views and attitudes
about regulation in a changing financial environment. I'll start with the
structural area where de facto deregulation has exceeded actual legislative
change, then shift to some interest rate and balance sheet comments where
early moves toward deregulation have had a not altogether happy result and,
finally, briefly highlight the capital adequacy issue where there is a new
element of regulation.
Let me begin with the structural issue; that is, the geographic and
the service or activity lines of banks. These are areas of banking that are
undergoing significant and rapid change.
In the very popular book, Future Shock, Alvin Toffler argued that change
is occurring at such a rapid and accelerating pace that it has become difficult,
perhaps almost impossible, for individuals, governments and businesses to adapt
to the altered environment they face. But it seems to me that for the banking
industry, changes are occurring at two very different speeds--the changes evol
ving from the very dynamic marketplace are moving with lightning speed, while
those dependent on the regulatory climate seem to be moving at a snail's pace.
The McFadden Act and Douglas Amendment to the Bank Holding Company Act
have gotten to be rather tiresome words for most of you--I've been predicting
their demise within the next five years for at least the last fifteen years.
From a strictly legal viewpoint, these laws are still very much with us. My
hunch is that the CEOs of many major banks came to the correct conclusion quite
some years ago that these restrictive laws would not be changed and that be
cause the markets all around them were changing so rapidly, they had better
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devise ways around these barriers or risk losing market position. Edge Act
Banks, initially located in New York to participate in international transac
tions, were an early vehicle; then Edge Act Banks began to appear around the
country and the line between international and domestic activities began to
weaken. Then loan production offices began to emerge with broad geographic
dispersion and some large banks have all but fully decentralized their whole
sale banking activities. Though this geographic expansion still lacks the
important deposit-taking capabilities, I think even this has become a less
important feature. Thus the laws which were originally devised to inhibit
overly aggressive competition by imposing geographic constraints have been
transformed into minor competitive annoyances by many banks. To the extent
that these regulations have been circumvented, they are no longer producing
their intended benefits, however nebulous, but are only raising the private
and social costs of doing the same business.
Meanwhile, the range of services, or product lines in the new parlance,
has dramatically expanded. Through the holding company structure, a great
many institutions have acquired consumer finance companies, leasing companies,
,,10.cl.ga':Je banking activities, and on and on. These activities, of course, also
provide broad geographic coverage. As just an example, and carefully choosing
institutions not headquartered in the Seventh Federal Reserve District, though
it is true for our banks as well, Citicorp operates over 440 offices in 39
states and Manufacturers Hanover Corporation has 471 offices in 30 states.
n.rnerica has about 3,000 employees in New York and Citicorp has slightly
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more tnan 2,000 in California--and, not incidentally, Citicorp has about 400
c~ployees here in Chicago.
These diversifications seem to move in waves and the current expansion
is taking the institutions into investment related activities. BankAmerica
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Corporation has an application pending to acquire Charles Schwab, a discount
brokerage firm. Security Pacific, with the advantage of a statewide branching
structure, is already offering a full line of securities services through an
agreement with Fidelity Brokerage Services. And Citibank has indicated its
intention to develop plans to offer a cash management service in conjunction
with Quick and Reilly, also a discount brokerage firm.
Glass-Steagall, at least on the surface, has a nice symmetry to it:
banks can't underwrite securities, except for Treasuries, agencies and general
obligation municipals, and investment underwriters can't accept deposits, but
the evolution of deposit substitutes has blurred these distinctions. Thus
Glass-Steagall has become asymmetric in its practical impact. Money market
mutual funds aren't technically deposits--a participant buys shares. But,
somehow, they look like a deposit, smell like a deposit and taste like a
deposit--and the almost $200 billion in money market mutual funds has to some
very large extent come out of your deposits.
Many of you heard Mr. Edward Telling, Chairman of the Board of Sears
Roebuck, address The Economic Club of Chicago a few weeks ago. In his comments
he laid out Sears' strategic planning in clear detail; much of the infra
structure for their expansion into consumer financial services is already in
place--their money market fund has been activated and apparently with early
success, and they have completed the acquisition of Coldwell Banker and Dean,
Witter, Reynolds. And there is that magnificant customer file of some 25
million active accounts--Glass-Steagall and McFadden do not seem to be bother
ing them very much.
And you are all too familiar with the other examples of the reverse
stampede across Glass-Steagall--American Express/Shearson, Prudential/Bache
and Merrill Lynch with its burgeoning array of financial services.
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Meanwhile, significant technological developments have accelerated the
pace of change--particularly in the communications and information processing
areas. As a result, costs have dramatically declined. Indeed, hardware with
the same capabilities as computers costing over a million in the 1950s now
cost a small fraction of that amount. Funds can be transferred quickly and
cheaply among institutions, while up-to-the-minute, on-line records are main
tained which provide easy access at great distances. Transfer instructions
can be given on-line, pre-authorized or keyed by a plastic card. This has
greatly increased the mobility of deposit accounts. As a consequence, the
traditional distinctions between types of institutions have become blurred and
the advent of 800 telephone number communications has eroded geographic
boundaries for the retail customer. Broad scale credit card mailings by many
banks are examples of this and money funds that rely on phone lines like
arterial veins probably don't have a clue as to what McFadden is all about.
It is a little perplexing that with all of these changes, legislation
and regulation have been extremely slow to respond with appropriate modernization.
As a regulator, I think the Federal Reserve has a responsibility to main
tain a healthy operating environment in which our financial institutions can
compete, reasonably freely, and grow on a basis consistent with the marketplace.
The significant decline in the vitality of the railroads over the past few
decades is certainly the result of a great many factors; but I would suggest
that the r.c.c. played a major role. The public utilities in their re:ation
ships with the various Public Utility Commissions are undergoing the same
transformation. I think that bank regulators need to be mindful of these
examples.
Without in any way trying to shift the burden of the Federal Reserve's
responsibility to lead in suggesting the appropriate legislative changes in
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Congress, the banking industry itself has a critically important role to play
in this process. Given the appropriate political timing, and those moments
seem to be few and far between, I have a sense (and this is certainly a
personal point of view) that Congress would be favorably disposed to appro
priate legislative changes.
But don't look for big help from the electorate. Whereas unemployment
and other politically explosive matters are the kinds of issues that bring
people into the streets, banking legislation is not one of these issues.
The bulk of our population is unaware of the restrictions which burden you,
and as long as they are being reasonably served, they really don't care. For
example, witness the relaxed attitude of the public with regard to the
problems the thrift industry is experiencing.
Clearly, we need help from the banking system; as long as various seg
ments of the financial services industry maintain myopic and parochial views,
resisting almost any changes that will have a negative impact on their activi
ties, Congress will continue to cast a blind eye on financial regulatory
reform. They just aren't going to be willing to act as a referee in a
continuing intra and inter industry dog fight. It will be exceedingly im
portant for the various participants to reach a reasonable entente prior to
seeking congressional involvement on financial reform legislation. I well
recognize that this is a statement that is easy to make but exceedingly
difficult to bring about--vested interests can be very deep-seated. But
so far, forcing Congress and/or the regulators into the middle hasn't worked
and I think a new approach could facilitate positive results. Admittedly,
the costs and benefits from any structural reform legislation are going to
be perceived to be so different by large banks and small banks, by rural banks
and urban banks, and by banks and thrift institutions that a consensus will not
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be easily forthcoming. There will have to be some give and take here and
many of the important decisions regarding what changes are best for the
industry and the public may well need to be made by the regulators acting
in conjunction with the realities of the marketplace.
Let me shift to interest rates and the impact that some deregulation
has had on bank balance sheets and earnings.
I view the role of regulation as preventing behavior that is detrimental
to the public interest while at the same time providing an environment in
which the regulated entities have a chance to compete and grow--and importantly
to face risks.
And the risks that banks face in this regard are changing as well.
In fact, one cloud on the horizon that has dampened many banks' enthusiasm.
for deregulation is the increased riskiness and fragility of the financial
system. Banking is riskier than it used to be if for no other reason than
because the economy itself is more volatile. A benign economic environment
no longer exists and the interest rate risk of the 1980s has, in many cases,
replaced the credit quality risk of the 1970s.
In fact, given the current economic situation and its impact on business
and industry, I have been impressed by the fact that bank asset quality has
remained surprisingly strong. Though loan problems tend to lag the economic
cycle a bit, and I suspect that non-performing assets and actual losses will
continue to mount, I think bankers have demonstrated an uncanny ability to
remember the lessons of the 1974-75 recession.
But now there's an additional risk to contend with--namely that caused
by the level and volatility of interest rates. we are certainly undergoing
a period of significant interest rate volatility which represents a sharp
change from the period following World War II up until about 1970. During
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that period the commercial paper and prime lending rates were amazingly stable.
But going back much further in history, the industry has experienced periods
of even greater volatility. In fact, our current rate experience is more
typical of a longer historical record than that of the 1940s, '50s and '60s.
In the 40-year period prior to the Depression, the commercial paper rate
typically varied between 4 and 9 percent; variations within each year were
generally in the area of 00 and 150 basis points but changes of 400 basis
points or more within a year were not unusual. Given the lower average level
of interest rates prevailing in those days, a 400 basis point swing during the
period is equivalent to an 800 to 1200 basis point movement today.
Even more volatile than nominal interest rates were the rates of inflation
and deflation. As a result, real interest rates covered a range of as much as
plus-or-minus 15 percent and, in fact, real interest rates exceeded plus-or
minus 20 percent on eight occasions between 1890-1930, or on average, once
every five years.
In contrast, from 1952-1972 real interest rates were typically between
3 and 7 percent. During the decade of the 1970s, the real rate ranged between
plus 5 percent and a negative 13 percent, being negative for much of the perioj.
Wide swings in real rates within a year, or from year to year, did occur in
the 1970s due largely to abrupt shifts in the rate of inflation; during the
1950s and 1960s such wide swings were virtually nonexistent. Given that an
entire generation grew up during this period without experiencing severe in
terest rate volatility, it is no wonder that the abruptness of the change
after 1972 and particularly after 1979 has had such wrenching effects on
financial markets and institutions that had grown unaccustomed to interest
rate volatility.
Since the Fed's operating change in 1979, interest rate volatility has
increased. This has had an important effect on bank balance sheets. For the
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ir,dustry as a whole, rate sensitive loans as a percent of total loans has not
changed appreciably in the last six years; based on call report data for all
insured banks, roughly one-half of all loans are re-priced within a year,
some much more frequently. But rate sensitive liabilities as a percent of
total liabilities have increased from 20 percent in 1976 to 45 percent in 1981.
When we look at the quantity of rate sensitive loans minus rate sensitive lia
bilities as a percentage of total assets, we get a rough but at least an indica
tive measure of interest rate gap exposure. This ratio has gone from plus 11
percent in 1976 to minus 11 percent in 1981. In 1979 the measure was at zero,
or in even balance, ideal positioning for the sharp rise in rates that followed.
But rather than immunizing themselves by holding this even balance, bankers
did not increase the level of interest rate sensitive assets as their rate
sensitive liabilities increased and they thus increased their exposure in the
wrong direction and in the face of an increasingly risky environment.
The earnings impact has only recently become apparent. For example,
returns on assets for all insured banks only declined from .77 to .73 during
the period from 1972 through 1981 and return on-equity actually increased from
::.s ?ercent to 13.7 percent during the same 10 year period. But within this
broad category, individual banks with significant gap problems are having a
very different experience. And the quality of earnings is also subject to
closer inspection. More than a few quarterly earnings reports have been given
extra assists by income tax credits, asset or activity sales or other non
rP~11rrina events and by modifications in loan loss provisions. In many cases
income is being squeezed and is heading south while controllable
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operating expenses (which may not be quite so controllable) are heading north.
Clearly, these trends are by no means universal--many of the well managed
banks that have been carefully monitoring their interest sensitive asset/
liability balance and have controlled their operating expenses, had good reports
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last year and for the first quarter of this year as well.
The pressure on earnings will continue; interest rate volatility seems
to be a by-product of the Federal Reserve's operating procedures for monetary
policy and as the deregulation of "Q" grinds forward, albeit at a slower pace
than some of you would like, the earnings impact will be felt. Though there
are some obvious cost aspects of placing increasing percentages of liabilities
at flexible and market oriented rates, it should be kept in mind that the de
regulation of Q ceilings will provide banks with opportunities to match the
maturity and rate sensitivity of assets and liabilities in ways that will
reflect individual management styles rather than being narrowly constrained
by the policies of regulatory agencies. At a Conference on Bank Structure and
Competition sponsored by the Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago a few weeks ago,
Alex Pollock, who is responsible for planning at the Continental Bank, esti
mated that there are still some $160 billion in passbook savings balances held
by U. S. commercial banks. He further estimated that 31 of the 50 largest
U. S. banks could attribute more than half of their 1980 earnings to exploit
ing the passbook savings franchise; as you can see, deregulation does have
significant cost implications.
All of this leads to yet one other critical area--namely, capital.
Indeed, the most significant impediment to future growth by some large institu
tions could very well be their limited capital positions. As I noted earlier,
existing legislation and regulations have not posed insurmountable barriers-
many institutions have done an amazing job in terms of expanding their geographic
and product coverage.
But now the capital positions of banks of all sizes have become the focus
of renewed attention. Capital ratios in banking have been declining since the
1930s. As of June 1934, the first call report date following formation of the
FDIC, the capital-to-asset ratio for all insured banks was 14.4 percent. That
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ratio declined unevenly to 8.0 percent by 1965, and since then has further
declined, reaching a low point in 1974. The trend at large, money center
banks was much the same as that for all banks, though considerably more focus
has been put on large bank capital considerations. The equity capital-to
asset ratio for the 15 largest banks reached an all-time low level in 1974
when it fell below 4 percent; it rose to just under 5 percent in 1976 and as
of the end of last year was close to 4.5 percent.
Now, I suppose I could delve into a long and very esoteric argument re
garding capital adequacy--with well managed, high earning financial institu
tions does capital serve a necessary purpose? Shouldn't capital positions be
reflective of differing asset composition from institution to institution?
Are varying capital ratios for different sized institutions appropriate?
What level of capital is really adequate? And on, and on. But the fact is
that over the long term, the rate of asset growth has exceeded the growth in
capital and there has been a resultant decline in the capital/asset ratio.
Late last year the Federal Reserve and the Comptroller of the Currency
issued new capital adequacy guidelines and amended the definitions of bank
capital. The main intention of these changes was to stem and, hopefully,
reverse the decline in the capital ratios of large banks and to set a more
equal standard of capital adequacy on a more uniform basis for all sizes of
banks. Primary emphasis has been given to perpetual capital sources. Limited
life debt capital now receives uniform treatment and·is given reduced weight
as it approaches maturity. The new program will permit somewhat lower capital
ratios for smaller banks than many of these institutions currently maintain.
Indeed, the wording of the circular provides room for well capitalized, smaller
and regional banks to increase their asset levels; for community banks, those
institutions with total assets under $1 billion, a capital/asset ratio of 7.0
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percent is in the acceptable zone, and for the regional banks, those with
assets between $1 and $15 billion, a capital/asset ratio of 6.5 percent is
in the acceptable zone. Thus, for many institutions these new guidelines
represent at least some regulatory relief.
For those expansion-minded institutions that have capital positions
below the acceptable zone, this may be an awkward time. Banks' stocks are
trading at low levels in relationship to earnings and book values. Smaller
institutions that do not enjoy ready access to the national or even regional
markets may find it even costlier to raise capital from external sources.
Thus, there will be some pretty heavy pressure to increase earnings, to reduce
or at least restrain dividends, and to improve their asset growth rates or
place greater emphasis on transactions that increase earnings but do not
increase asset levels.
Where the need exists, hopefully the financial markets will continue to
respond with new and innovative ways of raising capital externally. Examples
of this are the relatively new shelf registration of debt capital based on the
recent change in the S.E.C. regulations and another new technique which involves
issuing debt with an irrevocable, but marketable, contract attached that re
quires the buyer to purchase a specified number of shares at a future date.
Long term, zero coupon capital notes which extend the liability duration and
reduce the immediate cash payout required for interest are another innovation.
Free and creative financial markets will generally develop profitable solutions
to perceived requirements and these are but a few examples of market solutions
to at least part of the capital adequacy issue. As these innovations come
forward, the guidelines themselves will have to be the subject of further review.
The capital adequacy circular is still _quite new and it would be far too
early to judge just how it will be enforced by the Federal Reserve and the
Comptroller. In other words, will it become a club to be used with regard to
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all applications and related involvements with the regulators, or will it be
used judiciously and only in instances where capital adequacy is the issue at
hand. Obviously, I would hope that the latter will prevail, but as you can
well appreciate, the regulatory machine is very, very large and the judicious
application of guidelines, while nice in theory, becomes very difficult in
practice. But the fact that the guidelines have been agreed to by the two
regulators and that the circular has been issued is indicative that the matter
is one that we view with great importance. I think your longer range planning
should assume that this is a "no fooling" issue.
In conclusion, despite what seems like slow progress on the regulatory
and legislative fronts and some of the other problems I've highlighted tonight,
it seems to me that the financial services industry is moving and will continue
to move through a particularly interesting and exciting phase. My remarks may
seem to have placed emphasis on larger institutions but I really don't mean
to leave that impression--the opportunities may be relatively greater for the
smaller and medium sized banks. For the most part, they are well capitalized-
they already have the capital ratios that the larger banks would like to have.
By and large, their profit records have been excellent. They certainly won't
face the same antitrust restraints that may limit the very large institutions.
For small banks, technology is not a serious constraint; information processing
costs have fallen sharply and less expensive desk top computers will only
accelerate this trend. For larger requirements, either shared systems or
support provided by outside vendors will satisfy the requirement. Importantly,
smaller institutions are well placed in their local markets, they know their
customers well and how to be responsive to the requirements of their market
areas and with rapid turnaround times. California is perhaps an excellent
example of this. The state has very large institutions with statewide branch
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networks in place, yet aggressive and well managed smaller institutions compete
very well in their areas against these bigger banks. A former Superintendent
of Banking in California once suggested to me that he felt the positive
economic environment in the state is to an important extent due to their
banking structure and the level of competition that has resulted from it.
Thus, it seems to me that the smaller banks have the most to gain from
deregulation. But given the pace of change, time is getting short and it would
be counterproductive for banks to try to protect their markets by maintaining
the regulatory status quo. The changes are coming much too fast for that, and
nice as it may sound, it's not possible to stop the world and get off. There
is simply too much to lose by not acting while the revolution in the delivery
of financial services is still in a fluid stage.
And, I would suggest, the time to act is now. Though large banks have
great momentum, since they have successfully dealt with many of the regulatory
limitations, they may have lost their zeal for deregulation. Moreover, they
may well have changed their strategic planning. Therefore, the smaller banks
will have a greater expansion role to play in this process.
As I noted at the outset, I have been wrong in my timing predictions.
This time I hope I am right and that many of the changes that I've reviewed
tonight will come to pass within the next five years. If so, it will be an
exciting time to be an active participant in the financial services area and
I look forward to it with eager anticipation and great enthusiasm.
Thank you very much.
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Cite this document
APA
Silas Keehn (1982, May 11). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19820512_silas_keehn
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19820512_silas_keehn,
author = {Silas Keehn},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1982},
month = {May},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19820512_silas_keehn},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}