speeches · January 25, 1982
Regional President Speech
John J. Balles · President
1982 - PROBLEMS
_AND PROSPECTS
teserve Bank
of San Francisco
FEB 25 1982
LIBRARY
Remarks of
John J. Balles
President
Federal Reserve Bank
of San Francisco
Luncheon Meeting
San Francisco Chamber of Commerce
San Francisco, California
January 26, 1982
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The Federal Reserve needs to continue its policy
of reduced money growth in 1982 to dampen
inflationary tendencies while the nation is
pulling out of the current recession, says Mr.
Balles. “But the Federal Reserve cannot do the
job alone. Without parallel discipline on the
fiscal side, we will be condemned to a continuing
cycle of high interest rates and crowding-out of
non-Federal borrowers, and to a subsequent
decline in the productivity and strength of the
U.S. economy.”
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It’s always a pleasure to meet with members of
the San Francisco Chamber of Commerce, and
I’m especially pleased today to share the
platform with the native San Franciscan who’s
now serving as chairman of the Federal Reserve
Bank of San Francisco. Our district is a major
part of the Federal Reserve System,
geographically and otherwise, and we rely
heavily on the advice and support we get from all
of our directors on Federal Reserve operations
and policy. In particular, we rely heavily on the
wisdom and multi-gauged talents of our new
chairman, Caroline Ahmanson. And needless to
say, her lifelong familiarity with the problems and
prospects of the Bay Area make her a special
asset to the Federal Reserve System in this
difficult period.
My assignment today is to discuss the economic
outlook and to tell you how the Federal Reserve
fits into the 1982 scheme of things. I might
summarize simply by saying that a funny thing
happened on the way to the great business boom
of 1982. Learned economists told us a year ago
that the outlook was quite promising because of
the beneficent effects of the government’s tax-
and-expenditure program. Well, as we’ve seen,
their forecasts were as wide of the mark as the
year-old forecasts of who would be playing in the
Superbowl last Sunday. Instead of a surging
boom, we found ourselves mired in a bad
recession and still entangled with problems of
high inflation and interest rates. Let me,
therefore, review how we got into this mess and
how we propose to get out of it.
Underlying Problems
One major task involves dealing with the damage
created by a prolonged series of energy price
increases. Amid all the recent talk of recessions
and recoveries, we should remember that the
economy has shown little, if any, growth over the
past three years in the wake of the 150-percent
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oil-price shock of the 1979-80 period. Like the
previous shock of the 1973-74 period, this price
hike acted as a giant worldwide sales tax, raising
prices and draining off purchasing power that
would otherwise have been available for
purchases of other goods and services. A
decade ago, we paid about $5 billion a year for
imported oil, but now we pay roughly $80 billion
annually. OPEC prices have weakened over the
past year, of course, but the earlier shock has
continued to boost costs and to disrupt energy
consuming industries, thereby contributing to
the overall weak performance of the national
economy.
More immediately at hand, we must continue to
deal this year with our long-standing problem of
severe inflation. This inflation was generated in
large part by the Federal Reserve’s tendency,
prior to 1979, to accommodate a long series of
massive Federal deficits through monetizing too
large a proportion of them — i.e., through an
overly rapid growth of the money supply. The
effects can be seen in the doubling of consumer
prices during the decade of the 1970s. (Indeed,
even at 1981 ’s reduced pace, prices would
double again within another decade.) Inflation
has undermined the strength of the national
economy, for example, by increasing the risk and
uncertainty in our business planning decisions,
and thus reducing the incentive to invest in
productivity-enhancing new plant and
equipment. This investment decline creates a
vicious circle of rising labor costs which support
further surges in inflation, which further
undermine investment and growth.
Monetary Policy Factors
In the present recession, many analysts
downplay the influence of other underlying
factors and instead point to tight Federal
Reserve policy as the major cause of the
business decline. There is no doubt that any shift
in policy has undesirable side effects, just as
penicillin does in dealing with some severe
illness. In this connection, it’s crucial to note the
different lags involved in the application of
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monetary policy. In brief, a tight monetary policy,
with slow money growth, means that the bad
news comes first and the good news comes later.
That is, a tightening of policy means a slowdown
in the growth of credit, employment and income,
generally within a half-year or so, while the good
news of decelerating inflation takes another year
or more to arrive. In contrast, an easy monetary
policy sends us the good news first in the form of
a rise in business activity, and the bad news
somewhat later in the form of an acceleration of
inflation. Most people, including most political
figures, have a somewhat short time horizon. So
you can see that a tight monetary policy can be
quite unpopular at the time the bad news is
evident and the good news is still on the horizon.
In this inflationary period, the Federal Reserve
has found the money supply to be the most
reliable guide to monetary policy. Most
economists now agree that inflation is primarily,
but not exclusively, a monetary phenomenon. To
reduce inflation, in other words, we must reduce
money growth gradually over time. Thus, in
October 1 979, the Federal Reserve changed its
operating procedures to provide better control
over the growth of the money supply. Our old
operating procedures certainly helped to
stabilize interest rates in the short run, but they
led to systematic over-shooting of our money-
supply targets and to subsequent double-digit
inflation. In turn, this led to double-digit interest
rates. The new procedures, although allowing
interest rates to be determined largely by market
forces, have given us better control of the money
supply on a year-to-year basis.
The narrow M-1 B measure of money — currency
plus all transaction (checkable) deposits — has
decelerated significantly in recent years, to five-
percent growth in 1981 from 1978’s eight-
percent growth (see Table 1). But some
economists instead point to the growth of the
broader (M-2) monetary aggregate, which has
not slowed at all in the past two years. (This
aggregate includes M-1 plus such additional
items as small-denomination savings deposits
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and money-market mutual funds.) Hence such
critics argue that the Federal Reserve has not
really had a very restrictive policy since the
adoption of its new operating procedures in
1979. But most economists — and certainly the
evidence we see around us — argue that the M-
1 B measure is a reliable guide to policy and that
the Federal Reserve has in fact become
progressively more restrictive in recent years.
Table 1
Percentage Growth of Monetary Aggregates
(4th Quarter of Preceding Year
to 4th Quarter of Year Indicated)
M1B* M2** M3**
1975 5.1 12.3 9.4
1976 6.1 13.7 11.4
1977 8.2 11.5 12.5
1978 8.2 8.3 11.2
1979 7.5 8.8 9.8
1980 7.2 9.6 10.2
1981 5.0 9.5 11.2
*M 1 B equals currency plus demand deposits plus travelers'
checks plus other checkable deposits (OCD) at
banks and thrift institutions. After 1981, M1 B will be
designated as M1.
**M2 equals M1 B plus overnight repurchase agreements
(RPs) and Eurodollars, money-market fund shares, and
savings and small time deposits at commercial banks
and thrift institutions.
***M3 equals M2 plus large time deposits and term RPs at
commercial banks and thrift institutions.
Consequently, the good news of tight money is
now becoming more evident (see Chart).
Wholesale prices rose at a 15-percent annual
rate in the year ending August 1980, but at only a
seven-percent rate over the past twelve months.
Similarly, consumer prices (as measured in the
GNP accounts) decelerated from a 10’/2-percent
rate of increase in March 1980 to less than an
eight-percent rate in late 1981. We can
confidently expect the inflation rate to continue
declining in 1982 on the basis of the restrictive
monetary policies implemented since October
1979.
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MEASURES OF U.S. INFLATION
Percent Change in Prices Over One Year Earlier
Shaded area indicates a recession as defined by the National
Bureau of Economic Research.
‘Percent change in prices from indicated month of previous
year to indicated month of current year. Wholesale price
series is the Producers’ Price Index. Consumer price series is
the Personal Consumption Expenditure Deflator.
As I said earlier, the bad news of tightening
monetary policy also can be seen all around us,
in terms of the sluggishness of real GNP for the
last three years and the current business-cycle
contraction. However, we cannot blame the
exceptionally high interest rates of recent years
entirely on Federal Reserve policy. We should
remember that interest rates are determined by
many factors — including, but not mainly, the
actions of the Federal Reserve, which can
control only the supply of money and not the
demand.
Certainly the Fed can affect rates in the short
run, because of its efforts to control the amount
of reserves in the banking system and the
amount of money in the hands of the public. But
business-cycle conditions also influence rates,
as credit demands rise and fall with the cycle.
And above all, price expectations heavily
influence rates, frequently offsetting other
market influences. If, for example, people expect
prices to rise by (say) 10 percent a year, lenders
will demand that 10-percent inflation premium
plus some real “underlying” interest rate of
perhaps three to four percent, to protect
themselves against an expected loss in the
purchasing power of their money.
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Interest Rates and Money Growth
The recent decline in the inflation rate, along
with the decline in business activity, thus would
suggest that we’re in for a period of sharply
falling interest rates. But look what happened in
the past month or so, with its significant
turnaround in rates. This turnaround obviously
has sent the economics fraternity back to the
drawing board. One possible explanation has to
do with November and December’s sharp
upsurge in money growth, which could have
been construed by our critics as a response to
their demands for easing up on the monetary
brakes. Now, many economists believe that such
action normally would increase the liquidity of
the economy and put downward pressure on
interest rates. But this late-1 981 episode, as well
as several earlier episodes of the past two years,
now indicate that sharp upsurges in money
growth may perversely lead to increases in
interest rates. Indeed, this in fact happened in
December, following several months of declining
rates.
A new school of economics, called the rational-
expectations school, may have an explanation
for this strange turn of events. I won’t go into the
details, but the theory seems to say (in the words
of that famous economist Abraham Lincoln) that
you can’t fool all of the people all of the time. In
other words, the millions of people investing in
U.S. financial markets have begun at last to learn
some hard-earned lessons from the inflation
experience of the 1970s. To repeat, we used to
think that we could ease recessionary pressures
through a switch to monetary stimulus and
consequent drop in interest rates, but this recent
experience suggests that we cannot count on
that result any more. Instead, sharp increases in
money growth lead market participants to push
rates up (rather than down) because of
increased fears of future inflation.
Interest Rates and Deficits
We should not overlook, however, a second
major reason for the recent upsurge in interest
rates — namely, Federal deficit-financing
pressures. You may remember that the
December increase in interest rates occurred
almost simultaneously with the leaking of the
news about a sharp and unexpected rise in
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Federal-deficit forecasts over the next several
years. Until early December, $43 billion was the
“official” forecast of the fiscal 1982 deficit. But
then came the shocking news that the deficit
could actually rise to $109 billion in 1982, and
then to $1 52 billion in fiscal 1983 and $162
billion in fiscal 1984.
Theoretically, rising budget deficits don’t
necessarily lead to accelerated money growth
and accelerated inflation. Indeed you could
argue that our budget deficits are relatively
small by international standards, when
measured in relation to total production. This is
true, but unfortunately our savings rate is also
low by international standards, and it is the
relation between the two measures that is
crucial. In the last half-decade, for example, U.S.
net savings amounted to less than five percent of
the nation’s total output. In contrast, the savings
ratio was more than twice that large in most
major European nations, and almost four times
that large in Japan. In this connection,
incidentally, I would warn our overseas friends
that continuation of their large deficits over the
next several years may boost their overall debt
ratios to levels comparable with ours. In other
words, they may be only a few sips of the bottle
behind us, and may soon find themselves faced
with the inflationary DTs as we are today.
Large Federal deficits in the next several years
may not create financial chaos, but they
certainly would aggravate our present economic
problems. Continued deficits put pressure on
product markets, making prices increase faster
than they otherwise would. The Federal Reserve
may be able to prevent a significant rise in
inflation by allowing interest rates to remain
high, but this would tend to “crowd out” private
spending. Moreover, such a policy could
seriously strain Congress’ tolerance of high
interest rates. As a result, Congress could make
strong demands on the Fed to resume the policy
of accommodating Federal deficits through
higher monetary growth — even though it might
exacerbate inflation.
But even if the inflationary effect is small,
sustained deficits would tend to crowd out
private investment in the economy. In fiscal
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1981, the nation generated about $185 billion of
savings — the amount available to add to our
plant and equipment, to inventory, to housing,
and also to finance the Federal government. But
Federal deficit and “off-budget” financing, when
combined, totalled more than $80 billion —
nearly one half of the nation’s total savings. And
this year, for the first time in the past generation,
the government deficit will probably exceed the
nation’s entire net outlay for new plant and
equipment. In recent years, net private
investment has amounted to only six percent of
Gross National Product. A rise of the deficit by
another two percent of GNP — the amount
suggested by recent deficit estimates — could
reduce net private investment by one-third of its
current value, to just four percent of GNP.
Ironically, this would tend to offset all the
stimulus to business investment created by the
1981 -82 tax reductions.
Many bright minds in Congress and in the
Administration will be addressing this problem in
the next several months, beginning with the
President’s State of the Union message tonight.
They have a wide menu of choices, including
increases in taxes — or revenue enhancements,
if you will — and reductions in various spending
components. On the spending side, we should
remember that what goes up can come down, at
least in relative terms. One perceptive observer,
Martin Feldstein, recently noted that most of the
major increases in Government spending were
of fairly recent vintage. Federal civilian
spending, as a share of GNP, rose from nine
percent in 1960 to 13 percent in 1970, and
finally to 1 7 percent in 1980. Returning such
spending to the 1970 share of GNP, which is
hardly a drastic cutback, would reduce outlays
by four percent of GNP, or $160 billion at the
1984 level — that is, by enough to eliminate the
entire deficit. Such a cutback is unlikely, of
course, but the figures indicate that there is still
some room for a rollback of rapidly expanding
programs. On the revenue side, I hold no brief for
any specific increases, but will simply note a few
of the measures that some Congressional
leaders are now proposing — such as excise-tax
boosts, windfall-profit taxes on decontrolled
natural-gas prices, or perhaps a stretch-out of
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the last 10 percent of the personal income-tax
reduction.
Concluding Remarks: Recession and Inflation
You have probably noticed that I’ve allocated
almost all of my alloted time to a discussion of
the continuing problems of inflation and high
interest rates, and have not discussed how we’re
going to overcome the current recession. This
doesn’t indicate any hard-hearted lack of
concern about the severe problem of
unemployment, but rather a conviction that
unemployment can be cured only through an
attack on the basic problems that I’ve
mentioned. Otherwise, we will condemn
ourselves to ever-rising unemployment in a
continuing and perhaps worse series of
recessions.
We can be reasonably confident about
overcoming the present recession, moreover,
because of the automatic nature of the economic
processes now at work. In an automatic cyclical
fashion, increased orders and increased
employment should result as businesses run off
their present excess inventories and are forced
to reorder new materials and equipment. Also, in
an automatic stabilizing fashion, the downward
spiral should be neutralized by the fiscal reforms
of the past generation — the automatic
reductions in income-tax receipts and increases
in unemployment compensation and social-
security benefits that go along with any
downturn in production and employment.These
automatic processes, plus the fiscal stimulus
developing from the 1981 -82 tax reductions,
should lead to an upturn in the economy as we
move further into the year.
Although we can be confident about overcoming
recession, we must be more cautious about
dealing with the ensuing recovery. Today we are
faced with the same type of situation that
confronted us in the 1975-76 period. On that
earlier occasion, strongly stimulative fiscal and
monetary policies led to a strong recovery from
recession, but at the cost of resurgent inflation.
Moreover, financial markets are skeptical about
our ability to do better in today’s similar situation,
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judging from the upsurge in interest rates which
greeted the recent increase in monetary growth
and the expectation of continued massive deficit
financing.
To deal with the markets’ fears, the Federal
Reserve must continue to carry out its game plan
of reduced money growth, and thereby add
credibility to the nation’s anti-inflation program.
But the Federal Reserve cannot do the job alone.
Without parallel discipline on the fiscal side, we
will be condemned to a continuing cycle of high
interest rates and crowding-out of non-Federal
borrowers, and to a subsequent decline in the
productivity and underlying strength of the U.S.
economy.
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judging from the upsurge in interest rates which
greeted the recent increase in monetary growth
and the expectation of continued massive deficit
financing.
To deal with the markets’ fears, the Federal
Reserve must continue to carry out its game plan
of reduced money growth, and thereby add
credibility to the nation’s anti-inflation program.
But the Federal Reserve cannot do the job alone.
Without parallel discipline on the fiscal side, we
will be condemned to a continuing cycle of high
interest rates and crowding-out of non-Federal
borrowers, and to a subsequent decline in the
productivity and underlying strength of the U.S.
economy.
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Cite this document
APA
John J. Balles (1982, January 25). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19820126_john_j_balles
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19820126_john_j_balles,
author = {John J. Balles},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1982},
month = {Jan},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19820126_john_j_balles},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}