speeches · May 13, 1981
Regional President Speech
John J. Balles · President
;
g o ve r n m e n ts
_AND INFLATION
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The biting of bullets will be the major occupation
of fiscal planners this year — in Washington,
Sacramento, and other seats of government —
according to Mr. Balles. In the last analysis, the
fiscal crisis in every governmental jurisdiction
can only be overcome through a balanced fiscal
and monetary attack on inflation. Federal
Reserve policy is based on a simple premise —
the inflation process cannot persist very long
without monetary accommodation. But the Fed's
policy can be successful, without massive
financial-market distortions, only if government
policymakers reduce their credit demands.
Eederal Reserve Bank
of San Francisco
JUN 11 1981
LIBRARY
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I’m grateful for the opportunity to visit this
one-major-industry town, and to bring you
up-to-date on developments in that other
one-major-industry town on the banks of the
Potomac. Life is hard in both places these days,
because the political leaders of the 1980’s must
deal with the results of all the economic and
political mistakes made in the 1960’s and 1970’s.
In my remarks today, I’d like to comment on how
we got into our present difficult state — the
answer is, primarily through inflationary policies
— and how we can get back on a non-inflationary
growth path.
First let me pause to discuss another purpose of
this meeting, which is to give the leaders of this
community a chance to get together with the
directors of our San Francisco and Los Angeles
offices. Our directors are an able and diverse
group of individuals, and they help in many
important ways to improve the performance of
the Federal Reserve System, the nation’s central
bank.
Role of Directors
The directors at our five offices are involved with
each of the major tasks delegated by Congress to
the Federal Reserve. That encompasses the
provision of “wholesale” banking services such
as coin, currency and check processing;
supervision and regulation of a large share of the
nation's banking system; administration of
consumer-protection laws; and in particular, the
development of monetary policy. We are
fortunate in the advice we get from them in each
of these areas.
Our directors constantly help us improve the
level of central-banking services, in the most
cost-effective manner. This is a crucial role at the
present time, because under the terms of the new
Monetary Control Act, the Federal Reserve is
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moving into a new operating environment. Over
the next year, the Fed’s services will become
available to all depository institutions offering
transaction (check-type) accounts and
nonpersonal time deposits, and those services
will be priced explicitly for the first time.
Yet above all, our directors help us improve the
workings of monetary policy. As one means of
doing so, they provide us with practical first-hand
inputs on key developments in the various
regions and industries of our nine-state district.
Our directors thus help us anticipate changing
trends in the economy, by providing insights into
consumer and business behavior which serve as
checks against our own analyses of statistical
data.
Outlook for California
Our directors’ comments, along with our staff’s
analyses, give us a rather firm picture of what to
expect in the California economy in the year
ahead. The overall picture is of an economy
which continues to outpace the national
economy, even though beset by many of the same
problems which are troubling the nation as a
whole. On balance, this would suggest a
2-percent increase in California employment this
year, to 10.6 million, along with a 12-percent rise
in personal income, to somewhere around
$290 billion.
Much of the growth, in 1981 and in the 1980’s as a
whole, can be traced to the demand pressures
created by strong population growth. California’s
population reached 23.7 million in the 1980
Census year, with a 1.7-percent average annual
growth over the preceding decade — double the
national rate, although somewhat below the
historic California rate. Almost 400,000 births
took place last year — the largest in the state’s
history — despite the continued reluctance of
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California families to have more children. This
suggests an upsurge in demand for elementary
schools and day-care facilities a few years hence.
But migration accounted for fully half of the
3.7-million population gain of the 1970’s, and it
should continue high this year and for years to
come. Our market and labor-force planners must
continue to take account of this constant inflow
of refugees— including those fleeing from war in
Southeast Asia or from the poverty and tu rmoil of
Latin America, or simply those fleeing from the
declining industries and the energy-poor
communities of the American Snowbelt.
Some analysts like to say that California’s
economy parallels the nation’s, plus or minus
aerospace. When that key industry is weak, as it
was a decade ago, California lags somewhat
behind the national growth pace. But when
defense contracts flow into that industry, as has
been happening recently, California spurts ahead
of the rest of the nation. Since this state receives
roughly one-fifth of all Pentagon contracts, it
stands to benefit from the Administration’s
budget expansion in that field. According to the
White House proposal, the total defense budget
should rise at least 14 percent, in real terms, both
this year and next — and California should feel
the impact because of the budget’s heavy
emphasis on strategic weapons, such as a new
manned bomber.
The prospects for other major industries appear
somewhat mixed, as is true of their national
counterparts. Gross receipts of the state’s
farmers and ranchers could rise about 15 percent
this year, to $16 billion, but their net income may
rise only modestly over last year’s depressed level
because of the continued upsurge in production
expenses. Overseas markets, which normally
take about one-fifth of California’s farm products,
may be less of a factor this year because of the
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sluggish nature of business activity overseas, and
because of the rising prices of U.S. products as a
result of the weakening of many currencies
against the dollar. The state’s tourist industry
meanwhile may remain hampered by the rising
cost of air travel, lodging, food and entertain
ment. And California’s consumers, like their
counterparts elsewhere, may continue to
postpone their purchases of big-ticket items until
purchase prices and financing costs come down
out of the stratosphere.
The most important of the credit-sensitive
industries, housing, deserves special mention.
Despite all of the industry’s problems during the
1970’s, the state’s housing stock increased
321/2 percent over the decade, considerably
outpacing an 181/2-percent population increase.
Yet most industry analysts speak of a constant
shortage of housing in the state, amounting to
almost 100,000 units in this and each of the three
preceding years. Certainly the cost of California
housing suggests a heavy demand for the
product, with the median-priced home
approaching $100,000 and the average being
much higherin major metropolitan areas. Butthe
much lower price of housing elsewhere — with
homes costing 10 to 20 percent less even in such
growth areas as Phoenix and Houston —
suggests the existence of land and other supply
constraints on California’s ability to house its
growing population.
Outlook for the Nation
Still, I should emphasize that California — despite
its vast size and diversity — will predominantly
reflect several major national (and international)
trends this year. Let’s consider the situation
confronting the national economy today. To
improve its political and economic strength in an
uncertain world, the U.S. has embarked on a drive
to re-arm, to re-energize, and to re-industrialize,
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while struggling all the while to overcome the
inflation that has caused so many of the nation’s
economic and financial ills. These initiatives are
forcing us to make some difficult decisions,
including steps to encourage shifts in consumer
budgets from spending to saving, so that more
dollars will flow into investment channelsto build
up the nation's strength. The transition period
thus can be painful, as we’ve seen from the recent
record of fluctuating growth and continuing
inflation.
Business activity has followed a very bumpy path
over the past two years. In the spring of 1979,
consumers and business firms reacted to sharp
increases in oil prices by cutting auto and truck
purchases drastically, so that total output (GNP)
actually dropped in real terms. Then, after three
quarters of growth, a widespread decline in
goods purchases last spring brought on the
sharpest quarterly output reduction of the past
generation — 10 percent, at an annual rate. Three
more quarters of growth then followed, with real
GNP accelerating after mid-1980 and reaching a
rapid 61/2-percent annual rate of growth in the first
quarter of this year. But after all that backing and
filling, real GNP is only two percent higher now
than it was two years ago.
Near-term business prospects are somewhat
hard to measure, as the economy tries to shift
gears while being battered by the forces of
inflation. Still, I’m inclined to say, after much
hedging, that the consensus forecast for a
relatively sluggish year is the most likely
outcome. Without doubt, we can expect boom
conditions in certain industries, such as energy,
defense and office-building construction. Almost
as certainly, we can expect at best a modest
recovery in autos, housing and other
consumer-related industries.
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On balance, this means that real output of goods
and services will rise perhaps by one or two
percentage points for the year as a whole, and
that the proportion of jobless in the labor force
will edge upward from the 71/2-percent plateau
where it has hovered ever since the spring of last
year. Those jobless figures represent major
pockets of unused resources throughout the
economy — an especially serious problem for
those who are unemployed — but they don’t
represent widespread weakness in the economy
as a whole. Indeed, the proportion of the adult
population with jobs, at 581/2 percent, has been
exceeded only at the peak of the 1978-79 boom.
And the constant reduction in business
inventories since mid-1980 suggests thatthe next
major move will be upward as pipelines are
refilled.
Problem of Inflation
Neither California nor the nation can expect a
sustained recovery, however, until we achieve
more progress in the fight against inflation. As
measured by the consumer price index, inflation
doubled within the single decade of the 1970’s,
and at the recent pace, would double again within
only about a half-decade. The price indexes have
given off mixed signals recently. Still, with the
exclusion of volatile housing costs from the
index, consumer prices have risen at an
11-percent annual rate over the past six months,
compared with a 91/2-percent rate of increase in
the preceding six-month period. The picture isn’t
completely black; the latest monthly consumer
report showed some deceleration, while some
raw-material producers are offering goods at
prices lower than a year ago. But on balance, we
have strong reason to maintain a tight
anti-inflation policy in the months ahead.
The danger is not just the continuation of
external price "shocks” — of which we've had
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more than our share — but also the uptrend in the
underlying (or non-shock) rate of inflation.
American households are suffering from their
second major oil-price shock, as evidenced by a
two-thirds increase in the energy component of
the consumer-price index over the past two
years. Moreover, despite the current glut, most
energy analysts expect a sharply rising trend of
prices over the longer-term, with the gradual
depletion of the world’s low-cost oil reserves.
Food prices meanwhile could rise substantially
this year, although improved growing conditions
recently have dissipated some of the earlier
pessimism on that score. On balance, the
food-price increase this year could match the
10-percent rise recorded over the past 12-month
period.
Still, food and energy account for only about
one-fourth of our household budget, and
inflation has worsened in other sectors as well.
Throughout most of the past decade, this
underlying or core rate of inflation, although
accelerating, remained below six percent a year.
In the last several years, however, the underlying
rate has exceeded nine percent. This upsurge in
inflation has gone hand in hand with an upsurge
in unit labor costs, because of sharp gains in
labor compensation and actual declines in the
productivity of the nation’s workforce for three
successive years, from 1978 through 1980. I
should add that the recent (first quarter)
productivity figures were quite heartening, but
we still have lots of ground to make up on that
score.
The cure for that type of cost-push problem is
productivity-enhancing tax stimuli, such as those
Congress is now considering. But the upsurge in
inflation has also gone hand in hand with the
excessive money growth of past years, which
resulted when monetary policy was pushed off
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course by the excessive credit demands
generated primarily by Federal deficit financing.
The cure for that type of problem is to curb rapid
money creation by reducing deficit-financing
pressures.
Fed Policy and Its Critics
In an attempt to improve its control over money
growth, the Federal Reserve changed its
procedures in October 1979 — in effect, by
placing more emphasis on controlling the
quantity of bank reserves than on tightly pegging
the cost of those reserves (that is, the Federal-
funds rate). But the Fed was only partially
successful in curbing money growth in 1980, in
the face of sharp changes in inflation
expectations and wide fluctuations in credit
demands.
The most important money-supply measure,
M-1B — currency plustransaction, orcheck-type,
accounts — increased 63A percent in 1980 (4th
quarter-4th quarter). By that measure, the rate of
money growth has declined slightly for two years
in a row. In fact, the 1980 figure was the smallest
increase of the past four years. Still, it slightly
exceeded the upper limit of the Fed’s targeted
growth range for the year of 4 to 6V2 percent.
Meanwhile, interest rates showed extreme
fluctuationsaround a rising trend, with the prime
business-loan rate falling as low as 11 percent at
midyear and rising as high as 21V2 percent at
year-end.
Amid all thisfinancial turmoil, the nation’s central
bank came under heavy attack, usually from two
opposite sides of the issue. The controversy,
increasing in volume during the past year or so,
has centered around two conflicting views of
monetary policy. To the average newspaper
reader — and perhaps the average legislator —
easy money means low interest rates, and tight
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money means high interest rates. To the average
economics professor or financial analyst, easy
money means high money growth, and tight
money means slow money growth. Thus, in the
early months of 1980, the Fed was criticized by
the interest-rate watchers as being too tight, and
criticized by the money-supply watchers for
being too easy. In the second quarter, the
criticisms were reversed; in the third quarter, they
were reversed again — and so on into 1981.
Fed Response to Criticisms
The central banker’s life is not an easy one in any
case, but it becomes even more difficult when
he’s advised to follow two completely opposite
policy courses at the same time. So how should
we respond? To the interest-rate watchers, we
would suggest that interest rates are determined
by many factors — including but not exclusively
the actions of the Federal Reserve, which can
control only the supply of money, not the
demand. Certainly the Fed has some influence
over rates in the short run, as it works to control
the amount of reserves in the banking system and
money in the hands of the public. By restricting
reserves and money, the Federal Reserve can
temporarily raise interest rates — and by easing
the supply of reserves and money, it can
temporarily lower rates.
However, business-cycle conditions also
influence rates, as credit demands rise and fall
with the cycle. And above all, price expectations
heavily influence rates, frequently offsetting
other market influences. Today, for example, if
people expect prices to rise by (say) 10 percent a
year, lenders will demand the "real” underlying
rate of interest plus 10 percent, so that they’ll be
protected against an expected loss in the
purchasing power of their money. This suggests,
then, that curbing inflation is the only long-run
solution to high interest rates.
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To the money-supply watchers, we would say that
monetary policy in recentyears has been directed
toward reducing money growth, especially since
the October 1979 shift in Fed procedures. History
shows that changes in money-supply growth
definitely affect the inflation rate over time,
generally with about a two-year lag. The Fed thus
should continue to follow the path of gradual
deceleration adopted several years ago.
We recognize of course that little has been
achieved by the large swings in money growth
experienced over the last year or so. Those
swings could be dampened by the adoption of
certain technical changes in policy implemen
tation, such as the Fed is now considering. But
variations in money growth probably cannot be
completely eliminated, given the existence of
major shifts in underlying economic conditions.
(For example, the swing in real GNPof the middle
quarters of last year was the sharpest such
change in recent history.) Again, we have to
recognize that the Fed’s shift in emphasis away
from trying to control interest rates can involve
some short-term costs. Home builders, farmers,
small businesses, and other interest-sensitive
borrowers can be badly hurt by high and
fluctuating levels of interest rates. The Fed thus
must step in at times to dampen excessive rate
swings, even at the cost of temporary rapid
growth of the money supply.
On balance, the Federal Reserve has no choice
except to continue with its policy of reducing
money-supply growth over time, to help the
national economy return to a non-inflationary
growth path. Thus, the Fed has reduced its
projected growth range for the M-1B monetary
aggregate by a half-percentage-point in 1981, to
between 3!/2 and 6 percent. (That calculation
abstracts from the impact of shifts into NOW
accounts and other interest-bearing transaction
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accounts.) The new target range thus implies a
significant reduction in the monetary growth
rate, in comparison with last year’s 6%-percent
growth.
Against the background of the economy’s strong
inflationary momentum, the Fed’s target is
frankly designed to be restrictive — as Chairman
Volcker (with strong Administration support) has
emphasized in recent Congressional appear
ances. The target implies restraint on the
potential growth of nominal GNP, which
represents real growth plus inflation. If inflation
continues unabated or increases, real activity is
likely to be squeezed. But as inflation begins to
abate, the stage will be set for stronger real
growth. The Fed’s policy is based on a simple
premise — the inflation process cannot persist
very long without monetary accommodation.
However, the Fed’s policy can be successful,
without massive financial-market distortions,
only if government policymakers reduce their
credit demands.
Need for Balanced Anti-Inflation Program
As I’ve suggested, a balanced anti-inflation
program would include measures to improve the
nation's productivity and international
competitive position, along with measures to
reduce deficit-financing pressures on monetary
policy. The President’s new fiscal program
represents an important step in the right
direction. It includes personal-income tax cuts
and accelerated depreciation write-offs designed
to stimulate a long-awaited improvement in
productivity-enhancing investment. The program
also includes a broad and judicious mixture of
spending cuts designed to keep deficits from
spiralling and creating even worse pressures on
financial markets. The proposed cuts range
across a wide range of programs, from food
stamps to synthetic-fuel development, from
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extended unemployment compensation to the
space-shuttle program, and from public-service
jobs to postal subsidies.
Still, the Administration’s budget proposals
result in large fiscal deficits for the next three
years, with no balanced budget in sight until
1984. For fiscal 1981, which is now half over, a
$55-billion deficit seems likely. For fiscal 1982,
the House expects a $31-billion deficit and the
Senate a $51 -billion deficit, and many private
analysts expect a much larger figure. This
suggests that Federal demands in credit markets
will continue for some time to press upward on
borrowing costs — at a time when the Federal
Reserve is committed to an anti-inflation
objective of gradually and steadily reducing the
growth in monetary stimulus.
Need for Spending Cutbacks
The necessity for substantial Federal spending
cutbacks is obvious, given the Administration’s
commitment to significant tax reductions
coupled with a massive defense build-up.
Understandably, then, Congress is beginning to
turn its attention to some politically sensitive
entitlement programs — “payments for
individuals” — simply because that’s where the
money is. Aside from defense and interest costs,
such payments amounted to 70 percent of total
outlays in the last fiscal year. Entitlement
programs increased eight-fold over the past
decade and a half, and they accounted for
virtually all of the inflation-adjusted increase in
budget spending recorded over that period.
The upsurge in these programs reflects the fact
that roughly 90 percent of payments to
individuals are now subject to indexation
formulas. Indeed, this means further budgetary
problems in the years ahead. According to
Congressional Budget Office estimates, such
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payments could be $192 billion higher in 1985
than in 1980, and roughly three-fourths of that
amount would represent the cost of automatic
escalation. The problem is compounded by the
choice of an inappropriate index — the
consumer-price index, which has overstated
inflation by virtue of the heavy weight it gives to
current mortgage- interest rates and home
prices. (Certainly it’s inappropriate for most
benefit recipients, who generally reside in rented
quarters or paid-up homes.) Indexing will prove
expensive in any case, but Congress could limit
the damage in various ways which are now
under consideration.
Implications for California Financing
These considerations suggest that the biting of
bullets will be the major occupation of fiscal
planners in Washington this year. But that should
be doubly true of legislators here in Sacramento
and elsewhere in California, because of the
interaction of the national, state and local fiscal
crises. California’s governmental units are
limited by voter-imposed limits on taxing and
spending, and by the slowdown in revenues
brought about by a business slowdown — and
stymied also by the disappearance of formerly
massive state surpluses. But now, in addition,
California’s governments must come to terms
with the national administration’s attempt to
transform the nation’s fiscal structure by
reducing state-local transfer programs.
For the nation as a whole, the Administration has
proposed cutting $14.5 billion from Federal
funds flowing to state and local governments in
1982 — starting a cycle which could lead by 1984
to a 30-percent reduction (in real terms) in grant
programs. For California, that would soon mean a
reduction of about 30,000 CETA public-service
jobs, as well as cutbacks in certain trans
portation, health and other programs. Such
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cutbacks of course would aggravate the state’s
fiscal crisis, brought about by the disappearance
of the massive surpluses thatcushioned the blow
dealt to local-government finances by the
passage of Proposition 13. As you know, the
Governor’s proposed budget for the 1982 fiscal
year calls for only about a three-percent spending
increase over this year’s total, compared with the
18-percent average annual increase of the past
eight years. For all those reasons, midnight on
June 30 is likely to be a very interesting time in
Sacramento. And there’s little consolation in the
fact that the scene will be repeated in 49 other
state capitals and innumerable city halls
throughout the nation.
What can be done to remedy the situation? One
time-tested solution would be to raise taxes —
such as the proposal to raise sales taxes as part of
a crime-fighting program, orthe proposal to raise
gasoline taxes and auto-license fees as a means
of rescuing the state’s troubled highway
program. That approach is limited, however, in
view of Proposition 13-type restrictions on tax
increases, not to mention the public’s present
aversion to any kind of tax increase.
Another possible solution would be to revise the
indexing of state income-tax brackets to
inflation. Indexing, although desirable as a
means of limiting the impact of inflation, has
been responsible for a sharp reduction in state
revenues over the past several years. As you
know, tax brackets in the past two years have
been fully indexed to the California consumer-
price index, but are scheduled to be only partially
indexed next year. Something can be said for
partial rather than full indexing, because of the
over-weighting of housing in the consumer-price
index, but the general principle of indexing now
seems to be enshrined in California’s tax code —
and according to the Administration’s plan, may
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eventually be enshrined in the national tax code
as well.
Yet another approach would be to limit the
indexing of payments for certain transfer
programs, which accounted for two-thirds of last
year’s $2.1-billion state budget increase. That
approach should be just as valid on the state level
as on the national level, but of course would be
politically difficult to implement.
In the last analysis, however, the fiscal crisis in
every governmental jurisdiction can only be
overcome through a balanced fiscal and
monetary attack on inflation. A reduction of
inflation, by fostering lower interest rates, would
mean much lower costs of state and local
borrowing. A reduction of inflation also would
reduce the heavy impact of indexing on state
revenues and expenditures. Indeed, consumers
here and elsewhere should benefit just as much
from a drop in inflation as from a massive tax cut;
for example, just reversing the past half-year’s
rise in the consumer-price index would mean
more than a $40-billion improvement in the real
income of the nation’s households.
Concluding Remarks
In concluding, I would emphasize again the
structural changes that will be affecting the
economy through the national drive to re-arm, to
re-energize, and to re-industrialize. In most
respects, those changes will bolster California’s
future growth. But here and elsewhere, some
workers and some firms are likely to suffer in the
necessary transition to an investing from a
consuming society. In any event, those changes
can best be handled in a non-inflationary
environment, such as the Federal Reserve is
attempting to create.
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Monetary policy cannot handle the anti-inflation
fight alone, however. Fiscal restraint is also
necessary at all levels of government. In that
regard, I’m reminded of the brilliant one-linerthat
the President made the morning after he was
wounded, when an aide reported, “You’ll be
happy to know that the government is running
normally.” To which the President replied, “What
makes you think I’d be happy about that?” Well,
this year provides the opportunity for every
legislator and every government official in the
country to disprove the old stereotypes, and to
prove that they can make the hard decisions
which will help cure the nation's fiscal and
economic crises. I’m confident that we’ll all be
able to meet the challenge.
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Cite this document
APA
John J. Balles (1981, May 13). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19810514_john_j_balles
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19810514_john_j_balles,
author = {John J. Balles},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1981},
month = {May},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19810514_john_j_balles},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}