speeches · February 26, 1981
Regional President Speech
John J. Balles · President
INFLATION,
THE THRIFT INDUSTRY,
V_________ AND THE FED
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The thrift industry faces a difficult earnings
situation, with its high-cost liability structure and
its overhang of low-yielding mortgage portfolios.
Over the long-run, says Mr. Balles, deregulation
of the industry will help cure that situation —
providing the industry with an opportunity to
reduce its reliance on the volatile housing
industry, as well as an opportunity to compete
more effectively for funds in the open market. But
the industry’s basic problems can never be
overcome without an attack on high inflation and
high interest rates. The Federal Reserve can do
very little to reduce the cost of thrift-industry
funds without first reducing the growth of the
money supply, as a necessary step in reducing
the rate of inflation and hence the levels of
interest rates. But any Fed attempt to reduce
money growth without parallel reductions in
Treasury financing demands could lead to severe
pressures in financial markets.
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I’m grateful for the opportunity to visit Seattle and
address this distinguished audience of thrift
industry executives and regulators. You’ve heard
a number of perceptive analyses this morning
regarding the outlook for financial markets and
the thrift industry, and there’s little that I can add
in that respect. What I can do, however, is to
outline the new relationships developing
between the thrift industry and the nation’s
central bank — the Federal Reserve System —
and to emphasize our joint interest in confronting
inflation and the nation’s other economic
problems.
Our new relationship can be traced, of course, to
the passage of the Depository Institutions
Deregulation and Monetary Control Act of 1980
— by far the most important piece of financial
legislation of the past generation. The new law
means many things to many people; I’m intrigued
by the fact, for example, that many thrift industry
regulators refer to it as the Deregulation Act,
whereas we in the Fed generally refer to it as the
Monetary Control Act. But whatever it’s called, to
my mind it was a badly needed piece of
legislation. Over the past generation, the nation’s
financial structure had become distorted by
many pressures — such as widespread financial
innovations, shifting competitive patterns, severe
inflationary pressures, and inflation-caused
increases in interest rates. The MCA — or the
Deregulation Act, if you will — was Congress’
answer to those problems.
Through the MCA, Congress tried to promote
greater competition in financial markets, by
providing for the phase-out of deposit
interest-rate ceilings and for broader asset and
payment powers of banks and thrift institutions.
Congress meanwhile tried to promote greater
equity and improved monetary control by
extending reserve requirements to all depository
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institutions with transaction (check-type)
accounts and non-personal time deposits. This
step also helped solve the problem of a
deterioration in the Fed’s ability to control the
money supply, as caused by declining Federal
Reserve membership. This wasdone by reducing
the cost of reserve requirements for member
banks and by imposing similar requirements on
all insured depository institutions. Moreover,
Congress tried to promote greater efficiency in
financial markets, by providing access to Federal
Reserve services, at explicit prices, for all
depository institutions subject to reserve
requirements.
New Relationships
With the enactment of this new legislation, the
Federal Reserve has established direct business
relationships with thrift institutions, and has
also begun to make fundamental changes in the
way it does business with commercial banks.
Altogether, the Fed’s financial constituency has
expanded about seven-fold, and in our large
district, the new constituency (in relative terms)
has grown even faster. Let me cite just one
example of the importance of this relationship —
the need for prompt and accurate reporting of
reserves and deposit data. The Federal Reserve
requires correct deposit data, to implement a
monetary policy geared to the achievement of
non-inflationary growth for the national economy
— and the new reporting institutions play an
important role in supporting that goal.
The Federal Reserve Board of Governors and the
twelve Reserve Bank Presidents decided in
Decemberto establish liaison arrangements with
nonmember institutions as soon as possible, as a
means of dealing with the problems associated
with implementation of the new legislation. In our
own district, we established a 12-member panel,
the MCA Advisory Group, which includes
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representatives of member banks, nonmember
banks, savings-and-loans and mutual savings
banks, and credit unions. One of the members is
Mr. Robert Weber, president and chief executive
officer of Puget Sound Mutual Savings Bank, and
two S&L executives are also included —
Mr. Joseph Forgatch, executive vice-president of
California Federal Savings and Loan, and
Mr. George Leonard, chairman and chief
executive officer of First Federal Savings and
Loan of Phoenix.
In its initial meeting last month, the advisory
group considered several major issues dealing
with MCA implementation. These included
reporting and reserve accounting, charges for
Fed services, and access to Fed borrowing
privileges. The group’s bimonthly meetings
should provide a useful forum for obtaining the
views of thrift institutions regarding the Fed's
service and pricing, including its success in
providing services effectively.
Discount Window Policy
Probably the greatest potential area of
misunderstanding in this new arrangement
concerns the use of Federal Reserve credit
facilities. As you know, the MCA provides for
access to Federal Reserve facilities — including
borrowing facilities — for all depository
institutionssubjectto reserve requirements. This
particular issue has generated a great deal of
controversy in Congress and in the financial
community, especially when many thrift
institutions have experienced severe earnings
problems — and when the Fed’s 13-percent
discount rate remains far below other rates at
which institutions can borrow funds.
Let me summarize the Fed’s basic policy on this
issue. (Incidentally, if youdon’t have a copy of the
publication, The Federal Reserve Discount
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Window, our Seattle office will be happy to
provide you with one.) For good reason, the Fed
must be a "reluctant” lender of last resort. We
create “high powered” money — i.e., banking
reserves — when lending through the discount
window. In a fractional-reserve banking system,
any new reserves can support a multiple volume
of new loans and investments through newly
created demand deposits — the bulk of the
money supply. Thus, substantial and volatile
changes in reserves caused by increased
discount-window usage could lead to
destabilizing changes in money growth, making
the Fed’s anti-inflation task even more difficult
than it already is.
We in the Fed expect that member banks, as well
as the additional depository institutions now
eligible to use our services, will utilize other
reasonably available sources of funds (including
their special industry lenders) before turning to
the discount window for adjustment credit. The
Fed is prepared to advance funds in instances
where such institutions require funds on short
notice to cover immediate cash or reserve needs,
but are unable to gain timely access to their
special industry lenders. On these occasions, the
Fed will consult and coordinate with the special
industry lender as soon as possible. Any such
advances should be repaid when access to the
usual source of funds is obtained, usually on the
next business day. In addition, the Fed is
prepared to lend under “emergency” conditions
over extended periods of time, but at one
percentage-point above the basic rate, to
institutions having serious liquidity problems,
especially heavy deposit losses. Any such
institution of course must provide a remedial plan
when applying for credit.
A crucial point to remember is that the discount
window is designed to help institutions deal with
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liquidity problems but not with earnings
problems. The Fed’s discount window is
available to help meet the needs of any eligible
depository institution faced with temporary
liquidity strains, so long as the institution remains
in a solvent operating position. However, the
primary problem facing thrift institutions today is
a deficiency of earnings. The interest costs of
maintaining funds flows have escalated rapidly,
reflecting the roll-over (at steeply rising interest
rates) of short-term thrift liabilities. But at the
same time, thrift assets have continued to include
a sizable proportion of longer-term mortgages
that carry returns well below present deposit
costs. Thus far, many thrifts have used a large
share of the deposit inflows from high-cost
certificates to acquire high-yielding short-term
assets, and in this way have maintained a cushion
of liquidity. While their earnings problems still
persist, they have not developed the type of
liquidity problem for which the Fed’s credit
facilities are intended.
All of this may sound like cold comfort to a
$750-bi 11 ion industry which has just survived one
of the worst years in its existence. Deposit inflows
and mortgage lending at the nation’s
savings-and-loan associations each fell about 30
percent below the 1979 level last year — and
indeed, almost one-fourth of all S&L’s showed
losses for the year as a whole. Moreover, in
today’s high interest-rate environment, most are
pessimistic about prospects for this year, given
the mismatch between theirsluggish assetyields
and their market-responsive and deregulated
liability structures. But can the Federal Reserve
help at all in this situation? To many thrift-
institution executives, the Fed is part of the
problem rather than part of the solution. I would
submit, however, that the thrift industry and the
Fed have a common interest in overcoming the
industry’s ills, primarily by working together to
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overcome the inflation that has undermined the
housing market and thrift institutions generally.
Housing Problems
Before examining this problem of inflation, let’s
consider the general state of the housing market
— the dominant arena for the thrift industry.
There’s no doubt that the industry has performed
very well in housing the nation’s citizens over the
past decade. The nation produced 17.8 million
housing units during the 1970’s, a substantial
24-percent increase over the previous decade’s
production. The maturing of the baby-boom
generation meanwhile caused the number of
individuals of home-buying age to grow rapidly
during this period — yet by the end of the decade,
the number of occupied housing units per capita
reached an all-time high. The quality of the
housing stock also improved, as measured by
increases in floor area and by improvements in
amenities such as garage space and central air
conditioning.
Still, many people are more apt to remember the
volatility of the housing industry than its
substantial growth, since many fortunes have
been lost because of the increasingly wide
fluctuations affecting the industry. In the 1973-75
slump, and again in the 1978-80 downturn,
housing starts declined by half or more. In
addition, first-time home buyers generally found
great difficulty putting together the financing for
home purchases, despite all the ‘‘creative
financing” devices now available. And as I’ve
indicated, the thrift industry and other mortgage
lenders have made few if any profits the last few
years in fulfilling their major role — providing
financing to the nation’s people for housing.
As you well know, the MCA has provided the thrift
industry with one line of escape, by making it
possible for them to become “family financial
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centers,” in the words of former Bank Board
Chairman Jay Janis. But while waiting for the
dawn of that more profitable world, we must deal
with the industry’s severe earnings problems,
attributable to the high cost of funds and the
overhang of low-yielding mortgages. In the last
analysis, the problem can be overcome only by
defeating the inflation that has created the
present destructive level of interest rates. The
problem cannot be overcome by any short-term
measures to drive down interest rates, because
such an approach would only create more
inflationary tinder and worsen the industry’s
long-run situation.
Inflation and Interest Rates
What, after all, is the Fed’s role in determining
interest rates? Certainly it has some influence
over rates in the short run, by helping to push
rates up through tighter policy or helping push
them down through easier money conditions. But
business-cycle conditions also influence rates,
as credit demands rise and fall with the cycle. And
above all, price expectations heavily influence
rates, frequently offsetting other market
influences. Today, for example, when people
expect prices to rise by (say) 10 percent a year,
lenders will demand the “real” underlying rate of
interest plus 10 percent, so that they’ll be
protected against an expected loss in the
purchasing power of their money. This suggests,
then, that curbing inflation is the only long-run
solution to high interest rates.
Curbing inflation requires policies to improve
demand and supply conditions in our food and
energy markets, which account for about
one-fourth of our household budgets. But we
must adopt more thoroughgoing measures to
reduce our “core” or underlying inflation, which
represents the rise in the general price level apart
from the “shocks” we’ve experienced in the food
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and energy markets. We must follow proper fiscal
and monetary policies if we want to reduce this
underlying inflation, which has approached or
exceeded nine percent in each of the last
several years.
The recent worsening of inflation has gone hand
in hand with an upsurge in unit labor costs,
because of sharp gains in labor compensation
and actual declines in the productivity of the
nation’s workforce. The cure for that part of the
problem is productivity-enhancing tax stimuli,
such as those the President proposed last week.
But the worsening of inflation has also gone hand
in hand with the excessive money growth of past
years, when monetary policy was pushed off
course by the excessive credit demands
generated primarily by Federal deficit financing.
And the cure for that part of the problem is to cu rb
rapid money creation, since history shows that
changes in money-supply growth affect the
inflation rate with roughly a two-year lag. The
Federal Reserve thus has embarked on a
multi-year strategy involving agradual slowdown
in monetary growth, as a means of curbing
inflation without creating a severe recession.
Problem of the Deficit
In an attempt to improve its control over money
growth, the Federal Reserve changed its
operating techniques in October 1979 — in effect,
by placing more emphasis on controlling the
quantity of bank reserves than on tightly pegging
the cost of those reserves (that is, the Federal
funds rate). But the Fed was only partially
successful in curbing money growth in the face of
sharp changes in inflation expectations and wide
fluctuations in credit demands. Some critics
argue that this occurred because the Fed failed to
apply its new operating procedures consistently.
Probably a better explanation, however, is the
continuation of heavy deficit-financing
pressures.
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A government deficit can be financed by
attracting the savings of the public, or it can be
financed by creating money. The latter approach
is followed in most underdeveloped countries,
because they lack fully-developed capital
markets. But most industrial countries, with their
highly developed financial markets, are able to
channel private savings into purchases of
government debt. In this respect, the U.S. has
behaved like an underdeveloped country,
whereas Germany and Japan have financed their
large government deficits through private
savings.
Our country, in other words, has failed to break
the link between government debt and
inflationary money creation as Germany and
Japan have done. German and Japanese
financial markets have succeeded better than
ours in mobilizing private savings to finance
government deficits. Over the course of the past
decade, U.S. households sharply reduced their
savings rate, from 71/2to 51/2 percent of disposable
income. In contrast, Japanese households
consistently saved more than 20 percent of
income, and their German counterparts saved
between 12 and 15 percent of income. This
divergence reflects differences in tax policy and
differences in the way inflation affects savings
incentives. Because of these differences,
Americans have boosted consumption and
reduced savings, and have discouraged
productivity-enhancing business investment.
Whatever the reason, we must reduce Federal
deficit-financing pressures if we want to reduce
inflation and encourage domestic saving and
investment.
The President’s new fiscal program represents an
important step in the right direction. It includes
personal-income tax cuts and accelerated
depreciation write-offs designed to stimulate a
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long-awaited improvement in productivity-
enhancing investment. The program also
includes a broad and judicious mixture of
spending cuts designed to keep deficits from
spiraling and creating even worse pressures on
financial markets. The proposed cuts range
across a wide range of programs, from food
stamps to synthetic-fuel development, from
extended unemployment compensation to the
space-shuttle program, and from public-service
jobs to postal subsidies.
Still, the Administration’s budget proposals
result in large fiscal deficits for the next three
years, with no balanced budget in sight until
1984. Forthe 1981-82period, thedeficitsadd up
to roughly $100 billion. This suggests that
Federal demands in credit markets will continue
for some time to press upward on borrowing
costs — at a time when the Federal Reserve
is committed to an anti-inflation objective of
gradually and steadily reducing the growth
in monetary stimulus.
Need for Spending Cutbacks
The necessity for substantial spending cutbacks
in nondefense programs is obvious, given the
Administration’s commitment to a defense
buildup coupled with tax reductions. Fiscal 1981
admittedly is almost half-over, but a running start
seems necessary to achieve results in the next
fiscal year. Incidentally, outlays forfiscal 1981 will
exceed earlier estimates by a wide margin,
mounting to $655 billion in the Administration’s
new estimate — $75 billion more than the
fiscal-1980 figure and some $20 billion higher
than the figure adopted in last fall’s
Congressional budget resolution.
In addition to cutbacks in business subsidies and
other programs, Congress in coming budget
debates will have to turn its attention to some
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politically sensitive entitlement programs —
“payments for individuals” — simply because
that’s where the money is. In the last fiscal year,
such payments amounted to 70 percent of total
outlays, aside from defense and interest
payments. Entitlement programs increased
eight-fold over the past decade and a half, and
they accounted for virtually all of the real increase
in budget spending recorded over that period.
The upsurge in these programs reflects the fact
that roughly 90 percent of payments to
individuals are now subject to indexation
formulas. Indeed, this means further budgetary
problems in the years ahead. According to
Congressional Budget Office estimates, such
payments could be $192 billion higher in 1985
than in 1980, with roughly three-fourths of that
amount representing the cost of automatic
escalation. The problem is compounded by the
choice of an inappropriate index — the consumer
price index, which has overstated inflation
recently by virtue of the heavy weight it gives to
mortgage interest rates and home prices.
(Certainly it’s inappropriate for those many
recipients who reside in rented quarters or
paid-up homes). Indexing will be expensive in any
case, but a single reform designed to adjust for
this overweighting could save $30 billion over the
1980-85 period alone.
Several uncertainties still surround the new
Administration’s program. The full details of the
budget-cut proposals won’t be sent to Congress
until March 10. In addition, the budget proposals
are still just that, since they must still run the
Congressional gauntlet. The shape of the final
budget package — specifically, the Federal
government’s actual financing needs — will
determine the pressures the Federal government
will place on the financial markets and the
environment in which the Fed will have to
conduct monetary policy.
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Monetary Implications
Failure to curb Federal deficit spending will have
dire consequences — crowding out private
borrowers if the Fed holds to its policy goals, or
leading to spiraling inflation if the Fed loosens up
and accommodates the Treasury’s borrowing
needs. At present, when efforts to restrain
monetary growth confront strong private credit
demands, large new Federal borrowings would
inevitably aggravate interest-rate pressures.
Total Federal and Federally-assisted borrowing
in the nation’s credit markets reached $120
billion last year— more than 34 percent of all
credit demands — and comparable figures may
again be seen in the present period of
strengthening credit demands. Indeed, the
Treasury will need to raise $36 billion of new
money in the present quarter alone — one-third
more than in the year-ago period.
In this difficult situation, the Federal Reserve has
no choice except to continue with its policy of
reducing money-supply growth gradually over
time, to help the national economy return to a
non-inflationary growth path. This was the gist of
the message provided by Chairman Volcker in his
Congressional appearances yesterday and the
day before. As he noted, the Fed has set a target
growth range of 31/2 to 6 percent this year in the
M-1B measure of the money supply, compared
with the 63/4-percent growth in that aggregate
over the past year — all abstracting from shifts
that will be caused by the growth of NOW
accounts. M-1B, incidentally, consists primarily
of currency and transaction (check-type)
deposits at depository institutions.
The credit demands of the Federal government,
the nation’s prime borrower, definitely will be
met. The question is how many other potential
borrowers — many with more productive uses of
money — will be shouldered aside by market
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pressures. In that situation, there’s a danger that
the Fed’s restraints on money and credit creation
will jeopardize future prospects for business
expansion and private job creation. But consider
the alternative. If we did not restrain money
growth, we could contribute to an inflationary
process that would lead to a prolonged period of
soaring interest rates.
Concluding Remarks
To sum up, the thrift industry at this juncture
faces a difficult earnings situation, with its
high-cost liability structure and its overhang of
low-yielding mortgages. Over the long run,
deregulation will help cure that situation,
providing the industry with an opportunity to
reduce its reliance on the volatile housing
industry, as well as an opportunity to compete
more effectively for funds in the open market. But
the industry’s basic problems can never be
overcome without an attack on high inflation and
high interest rates.
The Federal Reserve and the thrift industry have a
vital stake in working together to overcome
inflation. We should realize, first of all, that the
Fed can do very little to reduce the cost of
thrift-industry funds without first reducing the
growth of the money supply, as a necessary step
in reducing the rate of inflation and hence the
levels of interest rates. We should realize, also,
that any Fed attempt to reduce money growth
without parallel reductions in Treasury financing
demands could lead to severe pressures in
financial markets. All of us, in a word, have a
major stake in restoring the health of our
financial markets by reducing the Federal
government’s heavy financing demands —
because only in that way can we reduce the
inflationary pressures created by excessive
money creation. I look forward to working with
you in the pursuit of this goal, which is so
necessary to the achievement of a stable
non-inflationary economy.
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Federal Reserve Ban_k _o_f S_t_. _Lo_u_is ____
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Cite this document
APA
John J. Balles (1981, February 26). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19810227_john_j_balles
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19810227_john_j_balles,
author = {John J. Balles},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1981},
month = {Feb},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19810227_john_j_balles},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}