speeches · May 1, 1980
Regional President Speech
John J. Balles · President
INFLATION AND ENERGY PROBLEMS
Remarks of
John J. Balles, President
Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco
Meeting with Tri-Cities Community Leaders and
Board of Directors, Seattle Branch
Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco
Kennewick, Washington
May 2,1980
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Inflation and Energy Problems
I'm delighted to make my first visit to the Tri-Cities area, or
Atomsville, U.S.A., in the words of the Wall Street Journal. According
to a recent Journal article, everything here -- from supermarkets to
gymnasiums — has "atomic" in its name. That may be a bit of journalistic
exaggeration, but it leads me to think that we could use some more places
in this country that have "atomic" in their names. I'll have a few things
more to say on that subject in a minute. But mainly, I'd like to focus
my comments on the state of the national economy, which lately has resembled
a Three-Mile-Island type of situation, with inflation threatening to get
out of control.
First, let me point out one of the good things about meetings such as
this, which is the chance it provides our directors to meet with Tri-Cities
community leaders to discuss matters of common interest. Our directors
are an able and diverse group of individuals, and they help in many ways
to improve the performance of the Federal Reserve System.
The directors at our five offices are concerned with each of the
major jobs delegated by Congress to the Federal Reserve. That encompasses
the provision of "wholesale" banking services such as coin, currency, and
check processing; supervision and regulation of a large share of the
nation's banking system; administration of consumer-protection laws; and
above all, the development of monetary policy. We are fortunate in the
advice we get from them in each of these four areas.
Our directors constantly help us improve the level of central-banking
services, in the most cost-effective manner. Most of all, they help us
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improve the workings of monetary policy. As one means of doing so, they
provide us with practical first-hand inputs on key developments in various
regions of this District and various sectors of business and public life.
Our directors thus help us anticipate changing trends in the economy, by
providing insights into consumer and business psychology which serve as
checks against our own analyses of economic data.
Fundamental Economic Problems
At a time like this, we need all the help we can get from our directors
-- and indeed from all of you. We must deal with an incipient recession,
which ordinarily would suggest the need for a policy of stimulus — but
also deal with a severe inflation, which definitely calls for a policy of
restraint. To understand the situation, we must remember that many of our
difficulties arise from the fact that economic growth over the past decade
depended very heavily on pub!ic-sector spending. In particular, massive
Federal-spending increases outpaced tax revenues and created red ink on
the books for every single year of the decade. Indeed, the combined
Federal deficit for the decade, $315 billion, matched the combined total
for the entire previous history of the Republic. Inflation was the
inevitable result of this prolonged series of deficits, the overly stimulative
monetary expansion that sometimes accommodated them, and a series of supply-
related shocks from the OPEC nations and elsewhere. Consumer prices
practically doubled over the course of the decade, in the worst peacetime
inflation in the nation's history.
We're paying the price in 1980 of failing to deal more forthrightly
with the problems which originated in the 1970's. Recession, or a situation
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closely resembling recession, is an obvious consequence of the past decade's
excesses, and of the stringent policy moves needed to cure those excesses.
The recent weakness of production, employment and retail sales, plus a
five-month-long decline in the leading-indicators index which usually
signals cyclical turning points, suggest that the long-awaited recession
may finally be here. In other words, overall business activity may actually
decline for several quarters, following the period of sluggish growth which
has been evident since last fall.
I would emphasize, however, that recession is not the basic problem,
but rather the consequence of our earlier actions. The basic problem is
inflation, and this has been true throughout the past decade and more.
Inflation undermined the otherwise commendable record of income and
employment growth achieved during the 1970*s , when consumer prices doubled
within a single decade. Yet if the past year's trend continues, prices
would double within a half-decade alone.
Energy Problem
Let's consider some of the factors that have been blamed for our
severe inflation problem, beginning with energy. The numbing series of
oil price increases of the past decade culminated in the doubling (or more)
of OPEC prices in 1979 alone. In dollar terms, the U.S. paid less than
$5 billion a year to the oil exporters prior to the 1973 embargo, but it
now is paying them almost $57 billion a year for imported petroleum. The
latest price upsurge has meant a 47-percent rise in energy costs for U.S.
consumers since a year ago, as well as steep increases for producers which
will filter through the economy for some time to come. And despite some
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signs of a short-term oil glut, the long-term price outlook is not too
good, especially as more nations follow the Iranian example, gaining
increased revenue while sharply reducing supply.
On the more favorable side, the U.S. has provided good evidence that
it can adjust to a world of higher energy prices. Even with limited price
decontrol, per capita energy usage increased only 5 percent between 1972
and 1978, compared to a 21-percent increase in the preceding six-year
period. (In volume, that difference amounted to about 6 million barrels
a day.) And by decontrolling domestic crude-oil prices -- a process to be
completed over the next 18 months -- the government is sending American
consumers an unambiguous signal to conserve even more.
A growing economy, however, requires new sources of supply as well
as increased conservation. We should develop our domestic sources of oil
and natural gas, including synthetic fuels from coal or shale. We should
develop exotic new sources of energy, such as solar and wind energy, as
well as bio-mass and geo-thermal power. But above all, we should expand
our dependence on proven efficient sources of energy, as anyone here in
Atomsville (U.S.A.) can tell you. The essential nature of nuclear power
becomes obvious when you consider what the industry means to the U.S. in
terms of saving oil. There are now 70 licensed nuclear-power plants
operating in this country, and over 100 more are on order or in process
of construction. If all these plants were required to use oil instead
of nuclear power over their lifetimes, they would consume more than the
total proven oil reserves of the entire country, including Alaska.
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The potential of nuclear energy can be seen by examining a single
project, the Diablo Canyon plant in California -- which, unfortunately,
is not yet in operation because of permit delays and litigation. But
when in full operation, the Diablo plant will reduce the amount of fuel
oil required to make electricity by 20 million barrels a year, which is
equivalent to saving a month's supply of gasoline for all the 12 million
cars in California. Again, the total cost of electricity generation at
that plant will be only about 2 1/2 cents per kilowatt-hour, or no more
than half the fuel cost alone of an oil-fired plant. Obviously, if we're
serious about curbing inflation, we'll have to increase our dependence on
such secure and economical sources of energy supply.
Inflation and Deficits
Next let's consider an even more basic cause of inflation — the
Federal budget. The budget seriously aggravated the inflation problem
during the recent cyclical expansion by generating a massive series of
deficits, which then induced a substantial over-expansion of the money
supply. Part of the problem was the monetization of debt which resulted
from the Federal Reserve's former operating techniques, which sometimes
involved a slow adjustment to inflationary pressures because of the Fed's
attempt to limit the impact of rising interest rates on private sectors
of the economy. This link was broken last October 6, when the Fed shifted
from an interest-rate operating technique to direct control of growth in
bank reserves, and hence in the money supply. The aim since that time
has been to slow the growth of the money supply to a point where it will
be consistent with price stability.
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But we're still experiencing the results of that earlier problem.
Moreover, much of the run-up in inflation expectations early this year
could be traced to the belief that our budgetmakers had lost control of
that engine of inflation. The fears about a runaway budget surfaced
before the ink was dry on the January document, when it became apparent
that Federal spending would not be as "lean and austere" as projected a
year ago. For fiscal 1980, the January budget document forecast a $40-
billion deficit -- 44 percent larger than last year's deficit. For
fiscal 1981, continued deficit financing seemed inevitable, even in the
face of about $50 billion in tax increases -- either from the social -
security tax, the windfall-profits tax, or inflation-related boosts in
personal-tax revenues.
Inflation and Crowding-out
Now, substantial budget deficits can be defended in deep recession
periods, because they support aggregate business activity at times when
other credit demands are weak. But that condition hasn't existed in any
of the last several years of essentially full employment. Instead, heavy
deficit financing has led to intense pressure on credit markets and to
greater inflation, by inducing an excessive monetary expansion --
understandably, because the Federal Reserve tended to lag in restricting
credit availability to the private sector. As a result, interest rates
have come under sustained upward pressure, and higher interest rates have
"crowded out" many private borrowers from the money and capital markets,
because they could not pay what the Treasury could pay for funds. Over
time, this has helped cause a greater portion of aggregate savings to go
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to the public sector, and thus has led to less productive investment and
to a decline in the nation's real-growth potential.
The "crowding out" argument was widely discussed -- and also frequently
ignored -- in the mid-1970's. But now we're face-to-face with the truth
of that thesis. At a time of tight Federal Reserve monetary policy, and
of a continued high level of private credit demands, the Federal government's
borrowing demands have been rising rather than declining, with severe
consequences for the markets.
Much of the Federal borrowing pressure comes from Federal entities
which are classified "off budget," but which are still financed by the U.S.
Treasury, such as the group of credit agencies operating under the wing of
the Federal Financing Bank. Other pressures come from privately-owned but
government-sponsored enterprises, primarily those operating in the mortgage
market. In any event, total Federal and federally-assisted credit demands
could reach $95 billion or even more in calendar 1980. In other words,
the Federal government and its agencies could pre-empt almost one-fourth
of all credit demands, compared to less than a one-sixth share during the
first half of the 1970's. Thus, none of us should be surprised at the
stratospheric level of interest rates which results when money growth is
obviously slowing, and when the Federal government is taking a larger
share of available funds.
Need for Budget Balance
These considerations indicate why the drive for a truly balanced
budget is at the heart of our anti-inflation struggle. It may be difficult
to reach that goal in light of the need for real increases in defense
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spending, but that simply means that stiff cutbacks elsewhere are essential
if we are ever to reduce the government sector's excessive demands on the
nation's resources. The Administration has made a good start by reopening
the books on the 1981 budget, and proposing a $16 1/2-billion surplus
rather than a $16-bill ion deficit. Yet most of that shift represents a
sharp increase in revenues rather than spending cutbacks — and for that
matter, there is no certainty that Congress will approve the proposed budget-
balancing measures. Finally, and most importantly, little has been done to
date to cut Federal spending and a likely deficit of $37 to $43 billion in
the current fiscal year. Despite recent signs of recession, the problem of
rampant inflation and sky-high interest rates is still our major concern.
I would argue that the government could make a greater contribution
to the anti-inflation fight by restricting spending rather than by boosting
revenues. Our elected representatives in Congress should take the lead
here. First, they must overhaul the legislative process itself -- especially
considering that, in 1979, Congress passed three times as many bills that
contributed to inflation as did the reverse, according to a recent study
by the National Association of Business Economists. Again, Congress would
do well to follow-up on the Congressional Budget Office's list of 58 areas
of possible budget cutbacks -- including, for example, the modification
of indexing requirements for social-security benefits and other Federal
programs, which could yield $70 billion in savings over a five-year period.
(Almost $40 billion of that total could be saved by granting social-security
recipients an 85-percent adjustment instead of a 100-percent adjustment for
increases in the consumer price index, which is logical because of the CPI's
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tendency to overstate the actual inflation rate.) Such cutbacks are
politically difficult to enforce, of course, but they are also essential
to our long-term economic health.
Inflation and Monetary Policy
Monetary policy meanwhile has a crucial role to play in restoring
price stability, especially in view of the fact that excess money creation
helped create the problem, in the wake of the excess credit demands
generated by Federal deficit financing and other forces. Over the 1975-79
business expansion, the M-1B measure of the money supply grew at more than
a 7-percent annual rate — faster than in the 1970-74 period, and almost
twice as fast as in the less inflationary period of the 1960's. The M-1B
measure, incidentally, consists primarily of currency plus demand and other
check-type deposits.
The Federal Reserve, recognizing that price stability requires a
progressive reduction in money-supply growth, moved aggressively last
October 6 to enforce its tight-money policy decisions. In particular,
it placed more emphasis on controlling money-supply growth, and placed
less emphasis on minimizing short-term fluctuations in interest rates.
The early returns are quite heartening. In the six-month period prior
to October 6, the M-1B money supply increased at more than a 10-percent
rate; in the subsequent six months, the estimated growth rate averaged
roughly 6 percent -- which means that at present we are within the 4-to-
6 1/2 percent range set by the Fed for 1980. Moreover, according to
Chairman Volcker's recent testimony to Congress, the Fed's desired target
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growth rate for this measure in 1980 is the midpoint of the 4-to-6 1/2
percent range, implying further deceleration of monetary growth. We're
already seeing some results from this policy of monetary discipline, with
inflation expectations being squeezed out of the economy, and with interest
rates falling sharply from the stratospheric highs reached in the late-
winter months. In the past month and a half, for example, Treasury-bill
rates have dropped about 5 percentage points, and corporate-bond rates
have fallen about 1 1/2 percentage points.
The most heartening recent development in this area was the passage
a month ago of legislation which should provide a permanent source of
strength to the nation's monetary policy. The legislation goes by the
tongue-twisting title of "The Depository Institutions Deregulation and
Monetary Control Act of 1980," and despite being almost overlooked in the
media, it represents the most important piece of financial legislation of
the past generation. It helps to solve the problem of declining Federal
Reserve membership, by reducing the cost of reserve requirements for
member banks. It helps to support equity and to improve monetary control,
by extending reserve requirements to all depository institutions with
transactions accounts (check-type accounts) and non-personal time deposits.
And it helps to promote greater competition in financial markets, primarily
by phasing out deposit interest-rate ceilings and by broadening the asset
and payments powers of banks and thrift institutions. The new legislation
makes a number of basic structural changes, and in the process, it increases
the effectiveness of monetary policy in confronting the inflation problem.
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The measures taken on March 14 represent yet another segment of the
overall anti-inflation program, with the Federal Reserve broadening its
policy of restraint, as a means of spreading the impact of its policies
more evenly throughout the credit markets. The consumer-credit restraint
program for many lenders and retailers was designed to diminish excess
credit demands arising from unsecured loans, but not to discourage worthwhile
loans where collateral is involved, such as auto, home-appliance and home-
improvement loans. The voluntary credit-restraint program for banks was
designed so that banks would limit themselves to productive loans --
especially those for farmers, small businesses and home-bui1ders -- while
avoiding acquisition loans and those involving speculation in commodities
and inventories. Yet despite this increased attention to lending policy,
the Fed will continue to base its credit-restraint program mainly on its
control of money-supply growth.
Concluding Remarks
To sum up, my remarks today suggest that strong measures are needed
to overcome the new outburst of inflation which has undermined the economy
so badly in recent months. The Administration has taken an unprecedented
step by re-opening the books on its 1981 budget document only a month and
a half after sending it to Congress, with the intention of ending the
inflation stimulus created by continued massive Federal deficits. But as
I've suggested, much more remains to be done along that line, with increased
emphasis on spending cutbacks rather than tax boosts.
The Federal Reserve meanwhile has broadened its policy of restraint,
with its March 14 guidelines on various types of lending. Still, these
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measures must be considered secondary to the Fed's basic policy of
controlling money-supply growth. That policy has begun to show some
success in reducing speculative excesses and inflation expectations, as
evidenced by recent declines in interest rates. But unfortunately, we
cannot expect such an approach to yield immediate results on the price
front. History shows that there is an unavoidable lag between the
imposition of a program of monetary restraint and the eventual return
of price stability. (For example, the inflation rate was cut in half
following the 1974 tight-money period, but it took two years' time to
accomplish that task.) In any case, it is imperative that we continue
to follow this basic cure for inflation, with the steady application of
disciplined monetary and fiscal policies.
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Cite this document
APA
John J. Balles (1980, May 1). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19800502_john_j_balles
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19800502_john_j_balles,
author = {John J. Balles},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1980},
month = {May},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19800502_john_j_balles},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}