speeches · April 14, 1980
Regional President Speech
John J. Balles · President
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MAY 8 1980
LIBRARY
CONFRONTING
THE
___________CRISIS
Remarks of
John J. Balles
President
Federal Reserve Bank
of San Francisco
Meeting with Hawaii
Community Leaders
Honolulu, Hawaii
April 15, 1980
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The nation must take strong measures to
overcome the new outburst of inflation which
has undermined the economy so badly in
recent months, Mr. Balles says. In an
unprecedented step, the Administration has
re-opened the books on its 1981 budget only
a month and a half after sending it to
Congress, as a means of ending the inflation
stimulus created by continued massive
Federal deficits. But much more remains to
be done along that line, with increased
emphasis on spending cutbacks rather than
tax boosts. Also, to cure inflation, the Federal
Reserve must slowly yet steadily reduce the
rate of growth of the money supply,
continuing along the path it has followed
over the past six months.
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On this visit to these beautiful islands, I’m
reminded of a famous episode in Hawaiian
history which might suggest the state of the
national economy today. Just picture yourself
at Pali Pass, with the rampaging army of
Kamehameha in front of you and a steep
precipice at your back. Now substitute the
words "inflation” and “recession,” and you’ll
get the picture.
Our economy indeed is in serious trouble—
perhaps the worst crisis since World War II—
and those problems affect Hawaii as they do
the Mainland. Still, if history is any guide, we
should be able to overcome our problems with
the proper exercise of monetary and fiscal
policy. I’d like to review with you today the
steps that are being taken to confront the
crisis. But first, let’s summarize briefly the
developments of the past decade that have
brought us to our present difficult situation.
Cause of Today’s Problems
Actually, the 1970’s were not all bad. On the
positive side, the national economy grew 33
percent (in real terms) between 1969 and
1979—a substantial gain, even though it failed
to match the 50-percent gain of the preceding
decade. The economy created jobs for
19 million people during the 1970’s, and that
24-percent gain was considerably larger than
the previous decade’s increase. Again, real
disposable per capita income—a key measure
of individual well-being—increased 28 percent
in the 1970’s, or almost as much as it did in
the 1960’s. But the nation ate up much of its
seed corn in reaching its higher standard of
living. Real business investment increased
only one-third as fast, and worker productivity
less than half as fast, as in the preceding
decade. Worse still, the nation became
increasingly dependent for its raw materials
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on unstable and expensive sources of supply,
as evidenced by a 15-fold rise in the price of
Middle Eastern oil over the decade.
Moreover, we’re suffering today from the fact
that economic growth in the 1970’s depended
so heavily on public-sector spending. In
particular, massive Federal-spending
increases outpaced tax revenues and created
red ink on the books for every single year of
the decade. Indeed, the combined Federal
deficit for the decade, $315 billion, matched
the combined total for the entire previous
history of the Republic. And inflation became
an ever-worsening problem in the 1970’s,
reflecting this prolonged series of deficits, the
overly stimulative monetary expansion that
sometimes accommodated them, and a series
of supply-related shocks from the OPEC
nations and elsewhere. Consumer prices
practically doubled over the course of the
decade, in the worst peacetime inflation in the
nation’s history.
Recession Problem
We’re paying the price in 1980 of failing to deal
more forthrightly with the problems which
originated in the 1970’s. Recession, or a
situation closely resembling recession, is an
obvious consequence of the past decade’s
excesses, and of the stringent policy moves
needed to cure those excesses. Now it’s true
that the long-awaited recession isn’t here yet;
according to preliminary figures, the national
economy grew almost as fast in the first
quarter of 1980 as it did in the final months of
1979, at about a 1-percent annual rate. Still,
the index of leading cyclical indicators has
declined for five months in a row—and this is
often an important sign of impending
recession or at least a definite slowdown in
business activity. Moreover, with inflation
soaring, the real buying power of consumers
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has declined over the past year, just as it did
in the 1974-75 inflationary recession.
Some areas of the economy still look rather
strong, especially those dependent on defense
spending or energy-development programs.
On the other hand, industries producing
postponable consumer items have been
weakening since last fall, or even longer.
Residential construction has been in the
doldrums for more than a year, reflecting
soaring costs and expensive (or even non
existent) mortgage credit. New-auto
production has lagged for some months, and
Detroit’s spring production schedules are at
the lowest seasonal level of the past 15 years.
Those industries’ major suppliers—such as
steel, lumber, rubber, and so on—
consequently are also suffering. And you
don’t have to be reminded that tourism has
also weakened because of consumers’
reduced take-home pay, as well as soaring
fuel prices and airline fares.
Inflation and Energy
Recession is indeed a possibility, and may
soon be an actuality. But it’s worth repeating
that recession is not the basic problem, but
rather a consequence of our earlier actions.
The basic problem is inflation, and this has
been true throughout the past decade and
more. Inflation undermined the otherwise
commendable record of income and
employment growth achieved during the
1970’s, when consumer prices doubled within
a single decade. Yet if the recent trend
continues, we might see prices double again
within only a half-decade. Worse still, the
expectations in government and in the
marketplace suggest that progress against
inflation will be only halting, at best, in the
years ahead. The Administration, for example,
believes that the 3-percent inflation goal laid
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out in the Humphrey-Hawkins Act will not be
reached until 1988.
Let’s consider some of the factors that have
been blamed for our severe inflation problem,
beginning with energy. The numbing series of
oil price increases of the past decade
culminated in the doubling (or more) of
OPEC prices in 1979 alone. In dollar terms,
the U.S. paid less than $5 billion a year to the
oil exporters prior to the 1973 embargo, but it
now is paying them almost $57 billion a year
for imported crude supplies. The latest price
upsurge has meant a 47-percent rise in
energy costs for U.S. consumers since a year
ago, as well as steep increases for producers
which will filter through the economy for some
time to come. And despite some signs of a
short-term oil glut, the long-term price outlook
is not too good, especially as more nations
follow the Iranian example, gaining
increased revenue while sharply reducing
supply.
On the more favorable side, the U.S. has
provided good evidence that it can adjust to a
world of higher energy prices. Even with
limited price decontrol, per capita energy
usage increased only 5 percent between 1972
and 1978, compared to a 21-percent increase
in the preceding six-year period. (In volume,
that difference amounted to about 6 million
barrels a day.) And by decontrolling domestic
crude-oil prices—a process to be completed
over the next 18 months—the government is
sending American consumers an unambiguous
signal to conserve even more.
Inflation and Interest Rates
In another area, many observers point to the
stratospheric level of interest rates as a major
cause of inflation, reasoning that business
firms will have to boost prices when they’re
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forced to pay 20 percent or more for credit.
But they ignore the fact that high interest rates
are a symptom rather than a cause of inflation
—not to mention the fact that they serve a
useful purpose in forcing reduced reliance
on credit. Now, most people understand the
role of business fluctuations in pushing rates
up and down. In recent decades, interest-rate
peaks have roughly coincided with business-
cycle peaks, and interest-rate lows have
usually followed recession lows after a few
months’ time. Most people also understand
(at least dimly) the short-term ability of the
Federal Reserve to push rates down through
easier money conditions or to push rates up
through tighter policy.
Yet too few people understand the long-term
effects of price expectations on interest rates,
and the way in which such expectations can
offset other market influences. Today, for
example, when people expect prices to rise
at (say) 10 or 15 percent a year, lenders are
demanding the “real” underlying rate of
interest plus 10 or 15 percent, so that they’ll
be protected against an expected loss in the
purchasing power of their money. Borrowers
meanwhile are willing to pay this inflation
premium, because they expect to repay their
loans with dollars that are worth 10 or 15
percent less each year than the dollars they
originally borrowed. The point is that we
should put the horse before the cart and work
to curb inflation if we want to keep interest
rates in check.
Inflation and Deficits
Where then should we look to find the basic
source of our inflation problem? I would
suggest the Federal budget, which has
aggravated the inflation problem during the
recent cyclical expansion by generating a
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massive series of deficits, which then induced
a substantial over-expansion of the money
supply. Part of the problem was the
monetization of debt which resulted from the
Federal Reserve’s former operating
techniques, which sometimes involved a slow
adjustment to inflationary pressures because
of the Fed’s attempt to limit the impact of
rising interest rates on private sectors of the
economy. This link was broken last October 6,
when the Fed shifted from an interest-rate
operating technique to direct control of
growth in bank reserves, and hence in the
money supply. The aim since that time has
been to slow the growth of the money supply
to a point where it will be consistent with
price stability.
But we’re still experiencing the results of that
earlier problem. Moreover, much of the run-up
in inflation expectations early this year could
be traced to the belief that our budgetmakers
had lost control of that engine of inflation. The
fears about a runaway budget surfaced before
the ink was dry on the January document,
when it became apparent that Federal
spending in the current fiscal year would not
be as “lean and austere” as projected a year
ago, with the result being a $40-billion deficit
in fiscal 1980. Again, the January document
indicated that the fiscal 1981 deficit would be
reduced to about $16 billion—but many
observers concluded that the deficit would be
considerably higher because of under
estimation of expected outlays and over
estimation of expected revenues.
Indeed, the original budget appeared certain
to remain considerably out of balance, even in
the face of about $50 billion in tax increases—
either from the social-security tax, the
windfall-profits tax, or inflation-related boosts
in personal-tax revenues. With that, the tax
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burden would be proportionately greater than
at practically any other time since the height
of World War II. And one more statistic:
projected outlays for 1984 jumped almost
one-fourth, to $839 billion, just within the
one-year interval between the publication of
the last two annual budget documents. Thus,
the initial market reaction to all these gloomy
statistics was a heightening of inflationary
expectations—a key factor in sharply rising
long-term interest rates.
Inflation and Crowding-out
Now, substantial budget deficits can be
defended in deep recession periods, because
they support aggregate business activity at
times when other credit demands are weak.
But that condition hasn’t existed in any of the
last several years of essentially full
employment. Instead, heavy deficit financing
has led to intense pressure on credit markets
and to greater inflation, by inducing an
excessive monetary expansion—
understandably, because the Federal Reserve
tended to lag in restricting credit availability
to the private sector. As a result, interest
rates have come under sustained upward
pressure, and higher interest rates have
“crowded out” many private borrowers from
the money and capital markets, because they
could not pay what the Treasury could pay
for funds. Over time, this has helped cause a
greater portion of aggregate savings to go to
the public sector, and thus has led to less
productive investment and to a decline in the
nation’s real-growth potential.
The “crowding out” argument was widely
discussed—and also frequently ignored—in
the mid-1970’s. But now we’re face-to-face
with the truth of that thesis. At a time when
Federal Reserve monetary policy is obviously
tightening, and when private credit demands
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are still strong, the Federal government’s
borrowing demands have been rising rather
than declining, with severe consequences for
the markets.
Much of the Federal borrowing pressure
comes from Federal entities which are
classified “off budget,” but which are still
financed by the U.S. Treasury, such as the
group of credit agencies operating under the
wing of the Federal Financing Bank. Other
pressures come from privately-owned but
government-sponsored enterprises, primarily
those operating in the mortgage market. In
any event, total Federal and federally-assisted
credit demands could reach $95 billion or
even more in calendar 1980, at a time of strong
credit demands elsewhere. (At that level, the
Federal government could pre-empt almost
one-fourth of all credit demands, compared
to less than a one-sixth share during the first
half of the 1970’s.) Thus, none of us should be
surprised at the stratospheric level of interest
rates which results when money growth is
obviously slowing, and when the Federal
government is taking a larger share of
available funds.
These considerations indicate why the drive
for a truly balanced budget is at the heart of
our anti-inflation struggle. It may be difficult
to reach that goal in light of the need for real
increases in defense spending, but that simply
means that stiff cutbacks elsewhere are
essential if we are ever to reduce the
government sector’s excessive demands on
the nation’s resources. The Administration
has made a good start by reopening the books
on the 1981 budget, and proposing a $161/2-
billion surplus rather than a $16-billion deficit.
Yet most of that shift represents a sharp
increase in revenues rather than spending
cutbacks. Revenues are now expected to be
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$28 billion higher than first proposed, because
of the gasoline-import fee, the withholding
of interest and dividend income, and a further
inflation boost to income-tax revenues.
Moreover, the proposals to balance the 1981
budget must still be adopted by the Congress.
Finally, and most importantly—as many
observers have noted—little has been done to
date to cut Federal spending and a $37-billion
deficit in the current fiscal year. The problem
of rampant inflation and skyrocketing interest
rates is here and now.
I would argue that the government could make
a greater contribution to the anti-inflation
fight by restricting spending rather than by
boosting revenues. Our elected represent
atives in Congress should take the lead here.
First, they must overhaul the legislative
process itself—especially considering that, in
1979, Congress passed three times as many
bills that contributed to inflation as did the
reverse, according to a recent study by the
National Association of Business Economists.
Again, Congress would do well to follow-up on
the Congressional Budget Office’s list of 58
areas of possible budget cutbacks—including,
for example, the modification of indexing
requirements for social-security benefits and
other Federal programs, which could yield
$70 billion in savings over a five-year period.
(Almost $40 billion of that total could be saved
by granting social-security recipients an
85-percent adjustment instead of a 100-percent
adjustment for increases in the consumer
price index, which is logical because of the
CPI’s tendency to overstate the actual inflation
rate.) Such cutbacks are politically difficult to
enforce, of course, but they are also essential
to our long-term economic health.
Inflation and Monetary Policy
Monetary policy meanwhile has a crucial role
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to play in restoring price stability, especially
in view of the fact that excess money creation
helped create the problem, in the wake of the
excess credit demands generated by Federal
deficit financing and other forces. Over the
1975-79 business expansion, the M-1B
measure of the money supply grew at more
than a 7-percent annual rate—faster than in
the 1970-74 period, and almost twice as fast as
in the less inflationary period of the 1960’s.
The M-1B measure, incidentally, consists
primarily of currency plus demand and other
check-type deposits.
The Federal Reserve, recognizing that price
stability requires a progressive reduction in
money-supply growth, moved aggressively last
October 6 to enforce its tight-money policy
decisions. In particular, it placed more
emphasis on controlling bank-reserve growth,
and placed less emphasis on minimizing
short-term fluctuations in interest rates. The
early returns are quite heartening. In the
six-month period prior to October 6, the M-1B
money supply increased at more than a 10-
percent rate; in the subsequent six months,
the estimated growth rate averaged roughly
6 percent—which means that at present we
are within the 4-to-6!/2 percent range set by
the Fed for 1980. Moreover, according to
Chairman Volcker’s recent testimony to
Congress, the Fed’s desired target growth rate
for this measure in 1980 is the midpoint of the
4-to-61/2 percent range, implying further
deceleration of monetary growth.
The most heartening recent development in
this area was the passage two weeks ago of
legislation which should strengthen the
Federal Reserve’s hand in the anti-inflation
struggle, and also strengthen the foundations
of the nation’s financial system. The legislation
goes by the tongue-twisting title of “The
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Depository Institutions Deregulation and
Monetary Control Act of 1980,” and despite
being almost overlooked in the media, it ranks
as probably the most important piece of
financial legislation of the past generation. It
helps to solve the problem of declining
Federal Reserve membership, by reducing the
cost of reserve requirements for member
banks. It helps to support equity and to
improve monetary control, by extending
reserve requirements to all depository
institutions with transactions accounts
(check-type accounts) and non-personal time
deposits. And it helps to promote greater
competition in financial markets, primarily by
phasing out deposit interest-rate ceilings and
by broadening the asset and payments powers
of banks and thrift institutions. The new
legislation makes a number of basic structural
changes, and in the process, it increases the
effectiveness of monetary policy in confronting
the inflation problem.
The measures taken on March 14 represent
yet another segment of the overall anti
inflation program, with the Federal Reserve
broadening its policy of restraint, as a means
of spreading the impact of its policies more
evenly throughout the credit markets. The
consumer-credit restraint program for many
lenders and retailers, and the voluntary
credit-restraint program for banks, could be
helpful in diminishing credit demands,
and thus in helping to moderate upward
pressures on interest rates. Yet despite this
increased attention to lending policy, the Fed
will continue to base its credit-restraint
program mainly on its control of money-supply
growth.
Implications for Hawaii
Before concluding, I’d like to review briefly
how Hawaii may be affected by the nation’s
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present difficulties. Let’s start with tourism—
a crucial sector, since visitors make up one-
tenth of all the people here on the islands at
any one time. Many of the factors which cut
into the tourist traffic last year (at least, from
the North American market) have worsened
since then. Inflation continues to reduce real
household income, and fuel prices (hence,
airline prices) continue to soar, thereby
grounding many families and conventioneers
who would like to spend their holidays in this
island paradise. And tourists from Pacific
countries, who were so plentiful last year, may
be less in evidence in 1980, in view of the
slower economic pace in Asia and a sharp
decline in the value of the Japanese yen.
Construction prospects also appear weak,
because of the same factors that are reducing
construction activity nationwide. But despite
that slowdown, I suspect that housing prices
here will continue to amaze even us hardened
Californians.
On the other hand, increased spending for
defense and other government purposes
should continue to provide strong support for
the state’s economy. This sector, as you know,
already accounts for one-fourth of total
employment in Hawaii. Another promising
factor is the increased diversification of the
state’s economy, which has helped to sustain
business activity here even in the face of
several Mainland recessions. And once past
our present difficulties, the future looks
promising indeed for this island community,
situated as it is at the crossroads of the most
dynamic segment of the world economy.
Concluding Remarks
To sum up, my remarks today suggest that we
must take strong measures to overcome the
new outburst of inflation which has
undermined the economy so badly in recent
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months. The Administration has taken an
unprecedented step by re-opening the books
on its 1981 budget document only a month and
a half after sending it to Congress, with the
intention of ending the inflation stimulus
created by continued massive Federal deficits.
But as I’ve suggested, much more remains to
be done along that line, with increased
emphasis on spending cutbacks rather than
tax boosts. The Federal Reserve meanwhile
has broadened its policy of restraint, as a
means of spreading the impact of its anti
inflation policy more evenly throughout the
credit markets. Only a coordinated program of
fiscal and monetary restraint can reduce the
danger of “crowding out” and restore stability
to our credit markets.
With conditions as bad as they are, is there
anything more we should do? Well, we could
try the one unworkable solution that has been
implemented in every crisis from the days of
Hammurabi and Diocletian to the days of
Richard Nixon—a wage-price freeze. But in
my personal view, mandatory controls are
unnecessary if more basic reforms are
adopted, while they actually aggravate the
situation if they become substitutes (as they
usually do) for such basic solutions. To
overcome inflation, we must follow the
demanding, but necessary, course of action
which I’ve already outlined—institute stiff
cutbacks in Federal spending, while slowly
but steadily reducing the rate of growth of the
money supply. Unfortunately, we cannot
expect quick results. History shows that there
is an unavoidable lag between the imposition
of a program of monetary restraint and the
eventual return of price stability. But it is
imperative that we continue to follow this
basic cure for inflation, with the steady
application of disciplined monetary and
fiscal policies.
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Cite this document
APA
John J. Balles (1980, April 14). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19800415_john_j_balles
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19800415_john_j_balles,
author = {John J. Balles},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1980},
month = {Apr},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19800415_john_j_balles},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}