speeches · September 6, 1979
Regional President Speech
John J. Balles · President
INFLATION AND
___RECESSION
Remarks of
John J. Balles
President
Federal Reserve Bank
of San Francisco
Meeting with Seattle Community Leaders
and Board of Directors, Seattle Branch
Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco
Seattle, Washington
September 7, 1979
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We need an integrated and broad-scale
attack on the nation's economic problems,
Mr. Balles says. "Monetary policy can do its
part by moving gradually to a rate of money-
supplygrowth which is consistent with long
term price stability. But monetary policy can't
do everything; we need proper tax, regula
tory and energy policies as well, * he says. In
particular, he calls for a moderate fiscal
policy— "one which will not destabilize the
1980's as it did the 1970's. *
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It's always a pleasure to visit friends and
acquaintances here in the Great Northwest,
but I hope that the next time I'll be able to
provide a more upbeat theme than "Infla
tion and Recession." That must surely be one of
the most depressing phrases in the English
language. I'll get into the details in a moment,
but first let me add how pleased I am that
Seattle's community leaders can have this
chance to get together with the directors of
our Seattle office. Our directors are an able and
diverse group of individuals, and they help in
many ways to improve the performance of the
Federal Reserve System.
The directors at our five offices are
concerned with each of the major jobs dele
gated by Congress to the Federal Reserve. That
encompasses the provision of "wholesale"
banking services such as coin, currency, and
check processing; supervision and regulation
of a large share of the nation's banking system;
administration of consumer-protection laws;
and above all, the development of monetary
policy. We are fortunate in the advice we
get from them in each of these four areas.
Our directors constantly help us improve
the level of central-banking services, in the
most cost-effective manner. Most of all,
they help us improve the workings of mone
tary policy. As one means of doing so, they
provide us with practical first-hand inputs on
key developments in various regions of this
District and various sectors of business and
public life. Our directors thus help us antici
pate changing trends in the economy, by
providing insights into consumer and
business psychology which serve as checks
against our own analyses of economic data.
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Regional Strength
We've been getting very favorable reports
recently from our directors, as well as from our
regional statistics. Indeed, in this fairly damp
section of the Sun Belt, you'd hardly know that
there was a recession going on. Of course,
the growth pace is likely to slow down this year
and next, and the situation could be bleak
for some regional industries (such as tourism) if
the energy crisis worsens—but overall,
Washington's economy looks to be in very
good shape to meet the challenges ahead.
This situation is a far cry from the early 1970's,
when that famous billboard sign asked, "Will
the last person leaving Seattle please turn out
the lights?" In contrast, the lights are burning
brightly today, and they should continue to do
so into the 1980's.
One reason of course is Boeing, which had a
massive $ 11-billion backlog of orders at the
beginning of 1979, even before it received its
$ 1.3-billion order this spring from Korean Air
Lines. With orders of this magnitude flowing in,
the firm's monthly production run this fall
will rise to about 28 planes a month—almost
double the early-1978 rate of production.
But an even stronger reason for optimism is
the well-balanced nature of Washington's
recent expansion. Employment in the state's
aerospace industry has increased at a 5.7-
percent annual rate since the dark days of
1971, but employment in other manufactur
ing industries has risen at a similar pace, and
jobs have expanded at an even faster pace
in construction, trade and services.
Washington's foreign-trade situation looks
especially promising, and not only because of
Seattle's forward-looking port managers,
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who have made it into one of the world's lead
ing container ports. Trade seems bound to
flourish also because of the rapid growth of our
Pacific Basin trading partners, as well as the
dollar depreciation of the past several years.
Indeed, the cheaper dollar means that
wheat and other Northwest products are sell
ing at bargain-basement prices in the world's
markets. Demand is off, of course, in the
forest-products industry, as a consequence
of the national housing downturn. Yet housing
demand locally continues to stay up with
last year's strong pace, reflecting the needs of a
population which has grown 11Vi percent
since the beginning of the decade. And I
understand that more office space will be
added in Seattle over the next four years than
over the past decade, while the number of
hotel rooms may double over the next three
years. Obviously, there must be a reason for
the very favorable stories about Washington
that have appeared in the national press
over the past few years.
National Weakness
So much for the good news. When we turn to
the broader national picture, we encounter
a much bleaker situation. Indeed, if you like
classical allusions, you could say that we are
caught between the Scylla of recession and the
Charybdis of inflation. Ordinarily, when the
economy slows down, we adopt stimulative
fiscal and monetary policies in order to get
back on a proper growth path —but we can't
afford the luxury of such expansionary poli
cies today. In view of the weakness of the
dollar at home and abroad, we have had to
adopt much more restrictive policies than we
would normally follow in a period of eco
nomic weakness. But the policies we choose
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must be better integrated than they have
been in the past. Monetary policy can't carry
the burden alone, as I'll discuss further in a
minute.
Let's consider first the dimensions of our
present problem. We may now be in the early
stage of the most widely heralded recession
of recent times. Real gross national product—
that is, CNP adjusted for inflation—moved
practically sideways in the first quarter of 1979,
and then dropped at about a 2Vi-percent
annual rate in the second quarter of the year.
This recent development followed the long
est and the strongest peacetime expansion of
the past generation. But the distortions intro
duced into the economy by the worsening
inflation of the past several years under
mined this solid expansion and finally
brought on the day of reckoning.
Most observers doubt that things will turn
out as badly in 1979 as they did in 1974-75,
although there are some eerie parallels, such
as a renewed energy crisis. The last time
around, we suffered from the previous boom
period's unsustainably high production lev
els in autos, housing, capital goods, and
inventories. However, the relatively well-
balanced expansion of the 1975-79 period
kept output in most of those areas much
closer to sustainable long-term needs. And
even the oil-price shock has been relatively
lighter now than it was in 1973-74.
Inflation—and Policy Complications
But to repeat, inflation has undermined this
otherwise strong situation. Consumer prices
soared more than 13 percent, at an annual rate,
during january-July 1979, which was about
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as bad as the worst upsurge of the 1973-74
period. Moreover, the food and energy
sectors weren't the only sources of the prob
lem. Those volatile sectors account for only
about one-fourth of the consumer market
basket, so we have to look to the rest of the
market basket to measure the "underlying" rate
of inflation. Well, the prices of those other
goods and services increased at more than a
10-percent annual rate during the January-
July period, which shows that our inflation
problem is quite widespread and not simply
restricted to a few headline-catching items.
We're all familiar with the spurt in inflation
caused by the OPEC cartel's decision to boost
prices, and in the case of food, by such
factors as bad weather, heavy Russian grain
purchases, and the decline in the cattle
cycle. But a crucial inflation factor has been
the excessive growth of the money supply
during the past several years. The broad money
supply, M2, defined as currency plus all bank
deposits except large time certificates, in
creased at a 9-percent annual rate over the
four-year business expansion—and this was
close to or even above the top of the target
ranges successively set by the Federal Reserve
during this period. Remember, though, that
excess money creation does not stem from any
perverse policy decision on the part of the
Federal Reserve, but rather from the pressures
imposed on the central bank by the need to
finance an unprecedented series of massive
Federal-government deficits.
Our problems have been aggravated even
more by the sharp decline in the value of the
dollar over the past several years, with govern
ments and private businesses selling dollars
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because of their strong belief that U.S. expan
sionary policies would lead to an accelera
tion of the inflation here at a time when prices
were decelerating elsewhere. This problem
wouldn't have been so important if the dollar
were a minor currency; but for better or for
worse, it is the key international reserve cur
rency. About one-half of all world-trade
transactions are conducted in dollars; about
three-fourths of all Euro-currency transac
tions are handled in dollars; and about four-
fifths of all official foreign-exchange reserves
are held in dollars. When such a currency
weakens, as the dollar has done in recent
years, it undermines the strength of the entire
world economy. Hence, market participants
abroad as well as at home are apt to demand
the adoption of stringent anti-inflationary
policies in today's situation.
Limitations of Monetary Policy
Now, let's consider why the money supply
grew so expansively during the recent business
expansion. To answer that question, we've
got to understand the institutional factors
which complicate the Federal Reserve's
policy task. We central bankers can forcefully
present our views on sound financial policy,
and within the limits of our authority we can
implement appropriate actions. But in the
last analysis, a central bank in a democracy
does not have—and should not have—the
authority to nullify continually the policies of
the nation's elected representatives.
Another complicating factor is the lagged
impact of monetary policy. The economy does
not respond instantly to each change in the
cost and availability of money and credit.
Rather it responds only after a lag of time,
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and that lag (unfortunately) is not constant and
predictable. Moreover, in practical terms,
monetary policy cannot offset the inflationary
effects of large budget deficits during boom
periods, because fiscal policy and monetary
policy affect the economy in different ways.
Monetary policy operates less directly and on a
narrower front than fiscal policy, through its
influence basically on the rate of growth of
bank credit.
Yet problems arise because the various sectors
of the economy don't all depend equally
on bank credit—and bank borrowers don't
all have equal power or credit standing. Very
large corporations, and of course the Federal
government, can also obtain funds from
such sources as the money and capital markets.
But those markets are not as readily avail
able, if at all, to small businesses, consumers,
farmers, home builders, and state-and-local
government units. Hence, these groups are
usually the first to be affected, and the most
seriously hurt, by any program of monetary
restraint. Consequently, it may not be
desirable, or even practically possible, to rely
on monetary policy alone to combat inflation,
especially when that problem is aggravated as it
has been by heavy deficit financing in a
period of high employment.
Need for Moderate Fiscal Policy
In our search for a broad-scale and well-
integrated set of policies to combat inflation
and recession, we must first institute a
moderate fiscal policy—one which will not
destabilize the 1980's as it did the 1970's. For
example, the Treasury ended fiscal 1978
with a $49-billion deficit, and it will probably
wind up this month with a $30-billion deficit
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for fiscal 1979. For the 1970's as a whole, we'll
have a combined budget deficit of roughly
$320 billion—just about equal to the
combined deficit for the entire earlier history
of the Republic. The problem lies basically with
our inability to curb spending—or
alternatively, to raise taxes to finance such
spending in periods of relatively full employ
ment. In this fiscal year, for example, Federal
spending will increase about $46 billion—
more than a 10-percent increase. Sound fiscal
policy would call for a budget surplus, or at
least a balanced budget, during strong business
expansions in order to dampen inflationary
spending and borrowing pressures.
During the Vietnam War period, defense
spending was the major contributor to the
spending upsurge. But more recently, the
rise has been concentrated in civilian programs,
especially the aptly named "uncontrollable
categories" of income-transfer payments.
(Altogether, the Federal government's
annual transfer payments to individuals have
jumped from $27 billion to $197 billion just
within the past decade and a half.) Once such
open-ended programs are established,
funds are disbursed (without specific Congres
sional action) in response to changing
economic conditions. Under many transfer
programs, entitlements increase automati
cally with any downturn in the economy.
Demography also plays a role, since age
determines benefit eligibility for many pro
grams, and there are more and more old
folks around. In addition, inflation creates many
automatic spending increases, because of
escalator adjustments to income-security pro
grams or because of the pass-through of
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rising health costs to the medicare and medic
aid programs. According to a recent study
by the General Accounting Office, spending
will be very hard to control as long as we
index in this fashion over half of the expendi
tures in the Federal budget.
Problems have also been caused by legislated
cost increases. Congress in its wisdom has
decided that certain regulations are necessary
for health, safety and environmental
reasons, but the costs of doing business have
been boosted by the attendant paperwork
and, especially, by the necessary new equip
ment. Again, employment costs have risen
this year because of sharp increases in the mini
mum wage and in social-security taxes.
(Indeed, within a 3-to-4 year period, we are
incurring cost increases of 50 percent or
more in both of those programs.) Then there
are the costs arising from farm price-support
legislation, and also from the subsidies and
restrictions surrounding the rail, maritime,
trucking, steel, construction and energy in
dustries. By some calculations, government
actions of this type add a full percentage point
or more to the basic rate of inflation.
Separately, wage-push pressures have
aggravated the problem of inflation throughout
the past decade. Labor costs could remain
stable wittr no impact on business prices, if
workers' productivity advanced at the same
pace as their wages—which unfortunately
hasn't been the case in recent years. In the
first half of 1979, in particular, labor compensa
tion per hour rose at more than a 10-percent
annual rate, while output per hour actually
declined, and the resultant 14-percent rate
of increase in unit labor costs led business firms
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to raise their prices substantially. The cure is
not simply to hold down compensation
through guideline pressures or whatever,
but also to boost productivity.
Need for Improved Productivity
This year's performance is only the climax of
a dismal period of weakness which has
stretched back over the past decade. For
several preceding decades, the U.S. led the
world in productivity gains, with output per
hour rising more than 3 percent annually, on
the average. Those productivity gains pro
vided us with the basis for a strong expansion
in the real incomes of all Americans. But pro
ductivity growth has weakened recently, aver
aging only one percent a year over the past
half-decade. Meanwhile, German and French
productivity gains have been twice as large
as ours throughout the 1970's, while Japanese
gains have been four times greater.
One key reason for this poor performance
is a prolonged lag in the pace of capital
spending. The productivity comparisons reflect
the fact that we spend less than 10 percent
of our CNP on capital investment, whereas the
Germans spend 15 percent, and the Japanese
spend more than 20 percent of GNP for that
purpose. The solution, then, is to stimulate
productivity-enhancing investment, primarily
through improvements in our tax structure.
Reductions in business taxes would be useful,
as a means of releasing funds that could be
channeled into efficient new plant and
equipment. Equally attractive is a major
overhaul of depreciation allowances, such as
the "1-5-10" formula which Treasury
Secretary Miller frequently proposed while he
was still Federal Reserve Chairman. This
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formula stands for a new policy of liberalized
depreciation, under which all mandated
investments for health-safety-environmental
purposes would be written off in one year,
all new investments for productive equipment
would be written off in five years, and all
capital in structures and permanent facilities
would be written off in ten.
Concluding Remarks
To sum up, the nation's economic
policymakers are in a real dilemma. Business-
cycle considerations dictate relatively easy
monetary and fiscal policies, as a means of
offsetting the downturn in the economy.
But other considerations—inflation at home
and a weakened dollar abroad—dictate a
much tighter set of policies, as a means of
restoring the stability which is so essential to
both our own welfare and the welfare of the
entire world economy.
As I've indicated, we need an integrated and
broad-scale attack on our nation's problems.
Monetary policy can do its part by moving
gradually to a rate of money-supply growth
which is consistent with long-term price stabil
ity. But monetary policy can't do everything;
we need proper tax, regulatory and energy
policies as well. Our national economy is like
a vintage automobile—powerful in its prime,
but now slowed down by poor maintenance
and excess baggage. With a good overhaul
it can do wonders, performing excellently at a
good steady speed. But first the mechanics
must work together to cure it of its deplorable
tendency to exceed the speed limit one
minute and go into reverse the next.
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Cite this document
APA
John J. Balles (1979, September 6). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19790907_john_j_balles
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19790907_john_j_balles,
author = {John J. Balles},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1979},
month = {Sep},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19790907_john_j_balles},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}