speeches · February 14, 1979
Regional President Speech
John J. Balles · President
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Remarks of
John J. Balles
President
Federal Reserve Bank
of San Francisco
Symposium on the Changing
U.S.-Japan Economic Partnership
Sponsored by
The Nihon Keizai Shimbun
San Francisco, California
February 15, 1979
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Recent Japanese moves to reduce import
barriers and U.S. actions to defend the dollar
are proof that both countries are committed to
a stable, free international economic order,
according to Mr. Balles. Yet more remains to be
done to stabilize the dollar (and other cur
rencies) and to reduce barriers to international
trade and finance. The U.S., for its part, must
continue efforts to reduce its inflation rate and
to restrain oil imports, in order to prevent
further turmoil in the exchange markets. Japan,
meanwhile, in order to restrain yen appre
ciation, should do more to raise its growth rate
and to move further along the road of re
ducing import barriers and promoting capital
exports.
The views expressed in this speech repre
sent only those of the management of the
Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco.
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I appreciate the opportunity to comment on
Japanese-American economic relations, a sub
ject which is immensely important to all of us
on both sides of the Pacific. There has been so
much discussion of the differences between
the Japan and the U.S. on this topic, that the
much larger areas of agreement and har
mony have sometimes been forgotten. So it
would be useful for us today to review the
progress that has been made, as well as the
steps that remain to be taken.
Let's consider the three major areas of concern.
One is trade, particularly the rapid growth of
Japanese exports to the U.S. in the face of the
much slower growth in U.S exports to Japan.
A second is international banking and finance,
with Japanese banks enjoying greater free
dom in the U.S market than U.S. banks have
had in Japan. The third area concerns the
sharp decline of the dollar and the rapid appre
ciation of the yen over the last year and a
half. The point I wish to emphasize is that these
areas are inter-related, and of concern to the
world community as a whole. In particular, im
provement in Japanese-American trade rela
tions may help ease pressure on the yen.
Trade Relations
No issue has been a greater source of irritation
and disagreement between the U.S. and Ja
pan than the trade issue. Why is that? Largely
because of the rapid growth of Japan's trade
surplus with the U.S., which has focused public
attention here on the barriers U.S. industries
have sometimes faced in selling to Japan. This
helps explain why the U.S. government has
exerted such efforts to get Japan to raise its
growth rate and to open up its markets to
imports.
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The way in which japan's trade surplus has
developed has raised as much concern as the
surplus itself. Specifically, Japanese exports
have grown dramatically relative to her imports
over the last three years—and this includes
exports to Europe and the developing nations
as well as to the U.S. For example, the dollar
value of Japanese exports reached nearly $%
billion in 1978. This was 76 percent higher
than the 1975 figure, and 21 percent higher
than in 1977. Imports in dollars, on the other
hand, rose about 39 percent between 1975
and 1978, and about 11 percent between
1977 and 1978.
However, it is important not to exaggerate
the Japanese trade performance. The rapid rise
in the dollar value of Japanese exports re
flects the appreciation of the yen, which has
substantially raised the dollar prices of those
exports over the last two years. As a result, the
volume of Japanese exports has risen much
less rapidly than their dollar value. For example,
between 1975 and 1978, export volume
rose 28 percent while import volume rose 17
percent. More significantly, the volume of
Japanese exports in 1978 actually fell about 3
percent below 1977, while the volume of
imports increased nearly 6 percent over that
same period. From recent indications,
Japan's trade surplus—both on a value and
volume basis—will probably fall substantially
over the next year, as exports continue to
weaken.
We must also remember that Japan's trade sur
plus is only one cause of the U.S. trade defi
cit. The U.S. deficit also reflects our continued
high oil imports, as well as U.S. growth and
inflation rates that remain high relative to those
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recorded among our major trading partners.
Reduction of our deficit will depend upon our
success in conserving energy and reducing
inflation, along with an improvement in our ex
port trade produced by higher growth rates
abroad.
Indeed, we should remember that the U.S.
deficit reflects foreign as well as domestic
developments—specifically, the fact that
foreign growth rates and capacity utilization
generally remain low by historical standards.
For example, Japan's real GNP grew by 10.3
percent annually from 1960 to 1974, easily
the highest growth recorded by any major in
dustrial country. Since then, however, real
growth has averaged only about 4.5 percent
annually. An increase in growth rates abroad
will go a long way toward reducing the U.S.
trade deficit. Indeed, attainment of fun
employment abroad—a goal already achieved
by the U.S.—could lead to an eventual re
duction in the U.S. trade deficit ranging be
tween $10 billion and $20 billion.
Because of the concern about our trade deficit,
U.S. officials have continually urged Japan
and other industrial countries to take steps to
stimulate their economies. But Japanese offi
cials are also interested in raising Japan's growth
rate, as recent Japanese government actions
plainly show. Over the last two years, Japan has
attempted to stimulate its economy by sub
stantially increasing public works and other
government expenditures (in both real and
nominal terms). Largely as a result, Japan's bud
get deficit relative to GNP is now well above
the average of the 1960's and early 1970's—as
well as above the present deficit-GNP ratio
for the U.S. and other major industrial
countries.
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Rapid Japanese-export growth has also focused
attention on the difficulties faced by Ameri
can and other foreign exporters in penetrating
the Japanese market. Japanese barriers en
compass both formal and administrative de
vices. Consider, for example, the following:
—Residual import quotas in 27 (mostly agri
cultural) product categories;
—Tariffs on manufactures that average sev
eral percentage points higher than
those applied by other industrial nations;
— Approval and product testing for man
ufactured imports that can extend as long
as 18 months;
—Very high protective tariffs in sectors
where the U.S. has a substantial com
parative advantage, such as computer
equipment, film, and some
semiconductors;
—Restrictions upon purchases of im
ported goods by Japanese public
corporations.
Barriers to imports remain particularly severe in
labor-intensive and regionally-concentrated
industries. Especially frustrating from the Ameri
can point of view are the restrictions on im
ports of meat, fruit, and other agricultural
products in which the U.S. has a strong com
parative advantage.
Fortunately, at least some of these barriers
are now coming down. According to a recent
U.S. Treasury study, Japanese barriers to im
ports of both industrial materials and manufac
tured goods have been lowered substan-
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tially over the last ten years. We all welcome
the recent Japanese agreement to increase
beef and citrus-fruit imports, and to lower tar
iffs on plywood—but we recognize that
some very high barriers on agricultural goods
still remain. However, we're all encouraged
by the reports that the U.S. and Japan have
agreed at the Multilateral Trade negotiations
on substantial cuts in tariffs on primary materials
and industrial commodities.
Furthermore, we shouldn't blame the sluggish
growth of U.S. exports to Japan entirely on
Japanese barriers. The U.S. share of total Japa
nese imports fell from 20.4 percent in 1974
to 17.5 percent in 1977. Indeed, the Treasury
study found that the U.S. share of the Japa
nese market has been falling relative to that of
foreign competitors in virtually all major
categories. For example, ten years ago the U.S.
supplied 58 percent of japan's coal imports,
but the U.S. share has since dropped to 32
percent. To some extent this pattern reflects
increased exports to Japan by developing Asian
nations, an inevitable and welcome product
of their rapid growth. However, American busi
nessmen have sometimes been overly
intimidated by the image of "Japan Incorpo
rated," and have not always been imagina
tive or aggressive in penetrating Japanese
markets. In this respect, they have much to
learn from Japanese exporters, who have
shown great skill in tailoring their products to
the American market.
On balance, substantial progress has been
made in Japanese-U.S. trade relations. Japanese
export growth has slowed considerably in
recent months, and some categories have actu
ally registered declines. In 1979, the Japanese
trade surplus should decline substantially while
the U.S. deficit should improve. Of course,
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more progress needs to be made in reducing
barriers to trade, not only in Japan but in all
the industrial and developing nations of the
world. In this respect, recent Japanese-U.S.
accords have set a useful example for the rest
of the world.
International Banking and Finance
Now let's turn to the area of international
banking and finance. Normally, finance raises
far less interest than trade in discussions of
Japanese-U.S. economic relations. However,
maintenance of a sound, free international
financial network is crucial to world trade and
to the efficient allocation of world invest
ment funds.
Consider the banking sector. Traditionally
the U.S. has had a very open policy towards
entry by foreign banks. Until recently,
foreign-bank entry was controlled not by fed
eral legislation but by state laws, which in the
major financial centers were very permissive in
allowing foreign banks to branch and to
acquire local banks. Until last year, foreign
banks also had the privilege of operating full-
fledged banking facilities in more than one
state, a power denied to domestic U.S.
banks. The International Banking Act of 1978
ended that practice, with respect to new
multi-state operations. But at the same time,
that legislation permanently exempted all
existing multi-state facilities of foreign banks
from its restrictions upon branching, and it
also allowed foreign banks to establish addi
tional non-deposit agencies and branches in
any state permitting them.
In response to this liberal treatment, Japa
nese banks have undertaken a wide variety of
wholesale- and retail-banking activities in
this country. Currently, 23 Japanese banks
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operate 62 banking facilities in the U.S., and
their assets (excluding inter-company accounts
and clearing balances) more than tripled be
tween late 1972 and late 1978, from $9 billion
to almost $30 billion. Incidentally, nine of the
Japanese banks now operate facilities in three
or more states.
Unfortunately, Japanese policy has been less
liberal towards entry by American and other
foreign banks. Except for a few post-war lega
cies, U.S. and other foreign banks are able to
open only one office per bank, and they can
not establish or acquire local Japanese insti
tutions. Moreover, once established, branches
of foreign banks face severe restraints on
their ability to compete for deposits or to
acquire other sources of local funding, and
consequently they must rely heavily on ad
vances from their head offices in financing
local lending activities. Additionally, foreign
banks in Japan face various limitations on
their lending activities.
This disparity in treatment of foreign banks
clearly should concern policy-makers in both
countries. In view of its large trade surplus,
Japan needs to encourage the export of capital,
especially if it wishes to avoid further appre
ciation of the yen. Given better access to local
funds, foreign banks can assist Japan in its
role as a major capital exporter. Thus, in my
view, a badly-needed reform is liberalized
Japanese treatment of U.S. and other foreign
banks, with greater access provided to more
stable and reliable sources of yen funding. In
this respect, we should welcome the recent
recommendation, by an advisory committee to
the Ministry of Finance, to permit both
domestic and foreign banks to issue yen-
denominated certificates of deposit. Much
more remains to be done, however, in the
foreign-banking field.
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The Dollar and the Yen
Now, while U.S. attention has been focused
primarily on trade, Japan's attention has
been focused on the foreign-exchange mar
kets. The average trade-weighted value of
the dollar is now 8 percent below its Septem
ber 1977 value, despite the dollar's substan
tial improvement since last November.
However, the dollar has fallen by 30 percent
against the yen over the past year and a half—
an amount which far exceeds the difference
between U.S. and Japanese inflation rates. As a
result, Japan's exporters have been faced
with the choice of squeezing their profit mar
gins, or of raising their dollar prices and risk
ing erosion of their markets. Compounding the
problem has been the unsteady nature of
the dollar's decline and the yen's appreciation,
which has raised uncertainties about what is
in store in the future.
As you well know, the U.S. had been ac
cused of following a policy of "benign neglect"
toward the dollar, primarily because it did
not intervene in the foreign-exchange markets
as heavily or as steadily as foreign central
banks did during the past several years. This
criticism overlooks two facts. First, the U.S.
has intervened forcefully over the last year, and
especially since last November, to counter
disorderly conditions in the foreign-exchange
markets. For example, the Federal Reserve
has begun intervening in yen in the New York
market to support the dollar, an operation
made feasible by the rapid growth in yen trans
actions there over the last several years. Sec
ond, trends in the dollar normally reflect
fundamental economic conditions, such as
inflation and trade balances, that cannot be
resisted by exchange-market intervention
alone. The solution to the dollar's problems lies
in the correction of these fundamental ills;
intervention is only a temporary stop-gap mea-
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sure to maintain orderly trading conditions.
Those who wish to judge the U.S. govern
ment's concern about the dollar should ex
amine its recent policies to reduce
inflation and the trade deficit. Our actions in
these areas refute any charges of complacency
about the dollar's instability.
The dollar's net decline over the last eighteen
months reflects two major factors. First of all,
inflation has worsened in this country, relative
to the inflation pace of some of our major
trading partners. Because exchange markets are
by their very nature forward looking, they
are very sensitive to expected future trends as
well as current inflation trends. Thus, the ac
celeration of price increases here in early 1978
aggravated fears that an already serious situ
ation was about to worsen. Fears about U.S. in
flation also made dollar-denominated assets
less attractive to foreign holders, leading them
to diversify into apparently stronger curren
cies such as the yen, the German mark, and the
Swiss franc. Given these developments, it is
not hard to understand why the dollar fell so
sharply prior to last November. Nor is it hard
to understand why it has been so much stron
ger since November: Federal Reserve
actions to raise interest rates, slow monetary
growth, and increase exchange-market in
tervention apparently finally convinced the
market that the U.S. was serious about
reducing inflation.
But there is a second factor undermining the
dollar and favoring the yen—that is, interna-
tional-trade developments. As I said earlier,
the large U.S. deficit may be due primarily to
the relatively faster growth of the U.S. econ
omy. This situation is likely to change substan
tially over the next year, as foreign growth
rates accelerate and the U.S. growth rate decel
erates. However, in view of continued high
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U.S. oil imports and the erosion of the U.S.
position in certain markets, some analysts
believe that the U.S. competitive position has
weakened over the last several years. Fears
of this sort apparently have created some of
the continued pressure on the dollar.
Japan presents almost a mirror image of this
situation. Its massive trade surplus reflects
the unusually sluggish economic-growth trend
of the last several years. As this situation
changes, Japanese imports will accelerate and
the trade surplus will decline. Also, some an
alysts argue that Japan, as a mature economy,
cannot be as export-oriented in the future as
in the past, and specifically that it must devote
a larger part of its enormous domestic sav
ings to internal requirements—and to foreign
direct investment. If Japan fails to make the
necessary policy shifts and continues to restrict
imports, the exchange markets are likely to
force reductions in its current-account balance
through yen appreciation.
Again it's important not to dwell too much on
past difficulties. The prospects for both the
dollar and the yen are for substantially greater
stability in 1979 than we saw in 1978. U.S.
money growth has slowed significantly in re
cent months, and this should help to moder
ate inflation. Substantial improvement in both
the U.S. and Japanese trade positions is likely
in 1979 as well. As long as these trends con
tinue, there is apt to be much less turmoil in
the foreign-exchange markets.
Concluding Remarks
We have witnessed some impressive progress
in Japanese-American economic relations
over the last several years. Recent Japanese
moves to reduce import barriers and U.S.
actions to defend the dollar are proof that both
countries are committed to a stable, free
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international economic order. And the two
countries substantially agree on the need to
confront the basic problems currently hamper
ing international economic relations,
although they may disagree on the specific so
lutions to some of these problems.
At the same time, more remains to be done to
stabilize the dollar (and other currencies) and
to reduce barriers to international trade and
finance. The U.S., for its part, must continue
efforts to reduce its inflation rate and to restrain
oil imports, in order to prevent further tur
moil in the exchange markets. Japan, mean
while, in order to restrain yen appreciation,
should do more to raise its growth rate and to
move further along the road of reducing
import barriers and promoting capital exports.
Finally, I want to emphasize that I have
focused on Japan-U.S. economic relations
because that is the topic of this session. But
my remarks should indicate that the problems
of dollar stability and international trade are
not the responsibility of the U.S. and Japan
alone. Other nations maintain barriers to
trade—and are working to reduce them at the
Geneva negotiations. And other nations will
have to join the U.S. and Japan in reducing the
U.S. trade deficit. Attaining a harmonious in
ternational economic order thus depends on
the actions of all participants in the world
marketplace.
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Cite this document
APA
John J. Balles (1979, February 14). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19790215_john_j_balles
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19790215_john_j_balles,
author = {John J. Balles},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1979},
month = {Feb},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19790215_john_j_balles},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}