speeches · November 27, 1978
Regional President Speech
John J. Balles · President
INFLATION-
CAUSE
_AND CURE
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Mr. Balles says that fiscal policy should play a
larger role in the struggle against inflation,
through a slowdown in Federal spending
and a consequent reduction in Treasury bor
rowing pressures on credit markets. Our
current problems are related to our inability to
curb spending. In this fiscal year, for exam
ple, Federal spending is scheduled to rise by
$4 7 billion —a sharp increase of almost 10
percent. Further, he argues, monetary policy
cannot carry the anti-inflation burden alone.
If forced to do so, monetary policy would have
to be so restrictive that it would severely af
fect those sectors most vulnerable to a credit
squeeze—agriculture, housing, small busi
ness, and state and local governments.
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I'm delighted to be here in San Diego once
again, and glad that San Diego's community
leaders can have this chance to get together
with the directors of our Los Angeles office.
Our directors are an able and diverse group of
individuals, as you can easily see, and they
help in many ways to improve the per
formance of the Federal Reserve System.
The directors at our five offices are concerned
with each of the major jobs delegated by
Congress to the Federal Reserve. That encom
passes the provision of "wholesale" banking
services such as coin, currency and check
processing; supervision and regulation of a
large share of the nation's banking system; ad
ministration of consumer-protection laws;
and above all, the development of monetary
policy. We are fortunate in the advice we
get from them in each of these four areas.
Our directors constantly help us improve
the level of central-banking services, in the
most cost-effective manner. Most of all,
they help us improve the workings of mone
tary policy. As one means of doing so, they
provide us with practical first-hand inputs on
key developments in various regions of this
District and various sectors of the economy.
Our directors thus help us anticipate chang
ing trends in the economy, by providing
insights into consumer and business psy
chology which serve as checks against
our own analyses of economic data.
Uncertain Outlook
We need their insights now more than ever,
because of the vast uncertainty which sur
rounds the outlook for 1979. In view of all
the developments of the past several months,
many analysts are now forecasting a reces
sion for next year. While the possibility of a
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recession cannot be ruled out, I do not view
it as inevitable. Nevertheless, I think everyone
will agree that, as a minimum, business activ
ity in 1978 is likely to be noticeably slow.
A sluggish economy seems likely for several
reasons. The nation is now at practical full
employment of skilled and even semi-skilled
labor. Similarly, the nation is at practical full utili
zation of cost-effective plant capacity.
Finally, recent policy-tightening moves have
been vitally necessary because of strong
inflationary pressures.
We're not seeing today the obvious danger
signs that we witnessed in the 1973-1974
period, such as a sharp buildup in inven
tories. In fact, most business firms have
adopted a very cautious attitude to inven
tory-building during the past several years. But
we have seen some excesses in a credit-
fueled consumer buying boom. Indeed, in the
1977-78 period, new funds raised by house
holds have been running about 50 percent
higher than the 1976 rate, and almost dou
ble the rate reached in any earlier year. Conse
quently, with tighter credit and more
cautious household planning, spending in the
consumer sector should begin to decelerate.
The real danger doesn't lie with a slowdown in
business activity. After all, some slowdown
should be expected after 3 Vi years of the long
est and strongest peacetime expansion of
the past generation. The danger rather lies in a
continuation of the severe inflation, which
threatens to make the 1970's the most infla
tionary decade in the nation's peacetime
history. For years now, this insidious disease of
the price system has been distorting produc
tion and investment decisions, and leading to
speculative excesses, such as Wall Street's
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splurge this year in gambling stocks. If we
don't soon control this inflationary disease,
recession will be a certainty rather than just a
possibility.
Inflation: Farm and Imported
Let's consider some of the sources of infla
tion pressure that have made 1978 such a
disappointing year, and consider how we
can curb those pressures in coming years. Fam
ily budget makers have been complaining
most loudly about the upsurge in food prices,
which have risen twice as fast as the experts
predicted a year ago, at about a 10-percent an
nual rate. (Incidentally, the somewhat chas
tened experts now expect food prices to rise
rapidly again in 1979, in the range of 6 to 10
percent.) We're familiar with many of the
causes of the upsurge, such as poor growing
weather and high distribution costs, and by
now most of us are experts in the intricacies
of the cattle cycle. We may not be able to do
much about the weather or cows' breeding
habits, but we can do something about some
of the government programs which have
boosted supermarket prices—such as those
programs which pay farmers not to plant
and which set minimum prices for certain
crops.
The international situation has also contributed
to 1978's price pressures. Before the
November 1 turning point, the trade-weighted
value of the dollar had dropped about 15
percent from the year-before levels, and of
course far more steeply against the yen, the
mark and the Swiss franc. This dollar depreci
ation has helped raise the domestic price
structure in several different ways. Higher
prices of imported finished goods directly
raise the prices paid by consumers. Higher
prices of imported materials raise the costs
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of domestic manufacturers. Moreover, higher
prices of foreign goods reduce the pressure
to hold down the prices of domestically-
produced goods with which they compete
in the markets. Altogether, that 15-percent dol
lar decline, by itself, probably added about 2
percentage points to the past year's consumer-
price rise.
The fight against imported inflation received a
big boost on November 1, with the $30-bil-
lion package of dollar-propping measures and
(especially) the further tightening of credit
policy. But there are other steps we should
take, such as reducing the outflow of dollars
created by our massive trade deficit. To reduce
oil imports, we should build on the recently
enacted energy bill and develop a policy
which, through the price mechanism, does
more to curb consumption and to bring more
sources of supply into production. To
expand our exports, we should put more
resources into research-and-development
and new production equipment, so that we
can maintain a constant flow of products ca
pable of competing in world markets. But bol
stering the exchange rate also requires
attracting a steady inflow of foreign funds into
the American market, and that will happen
only if foreigners are certain that they are deal
ing with a stable, low-inflation economy.
Thus, if we want to curb imported inflation, we
must put more effort into curbing our do
mestically-generated inflation.
Inflation: Cost-Push
The Administration has prepared a program
trying to halt the leapfrogging of prices and
wages, which make up the vast bulk of indus
try's costs. In 1977, labor compensation
increased about 9 percent while labor produc
tivity rose about 3 percent, and the resultant
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jump in unit labor costs became translated into
increased inflation. In 1978, the increase in
compensation is likely to be larger and the in
crease in productivity considerably smaller,
with worsening consequences on the price
front. In the absence of guideline pressure,
further large increases in compensation costs
would be almost certain in 1979, considering
the size of next year's bargaining calendar,
which features such "heavy hitters" as the
Teamsters and Autoworkers.
Against that background, the Administration
in late October unveiled its set of wage and
price guidelines, designed to put a 7-percent
lid on annual wage increases and (essentially) a
6-to-6 V2 percent lid on annual price in
creases. The program included several other
actions, such as a further reduction in the
Federal budget deficit to about $30 billion in fis
cal 1980. But the Administration's program
failed to win any plaudits in Wall Street or in
overseas financial markets, judging from the
late-October declines in stock prices and in the
value of the dollar. Thus, the other shoe had
to be dropped on November 1, with the
package of monetary and fiscal measures
designed to bolster the dollar at home
and abroad.
The Administration's guidelines represent a
worthwhile attempt to curb the growth of
labor compensation, and hence the rise of busi
ness costs. Over the long run, however, the
more promising avenue is to work with the
other blade of the scissors—that is, to boost
productivity, which in the past decade has risen
only about half as fast as in the several pre
ceding decades. (Incidentally, the wage guide
lines of the 1960's were set no higher than
the growth rate of productivity, which suggests
that today's 7-percent guideline is far too
high). Now, the passage of time may help bring
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about a more productive labor force. The
postwar baby-boom generation, much to their
parents' amazement, has now been trans
formed into a reasonably mature and produc
tive group of workers. But those workers
can't live up to their potential without new
tools, and those tools won't become avail
able without new investment-stimulating tax
measures—and without an inflation-free en
vironment of greater certainty for business
planning.
In the absence of those two factors, business
spending has been held back in recent
years —which means that we now have to play
catch-up ball in the investment field if we
hope to boost productivity enough to offset
inflationary wage settlements. For this
reason, Federal Reserve Chairman Miller has
been arguing recently for a sharp increase in
the investment share of GNP. As he says, it isn't
enough simply to reach the past peak levels
of 10 !/2 or 11 percent of GNP. Instead, we
should try to allocate (say) 12 percent of our
total output for investment purposes for a long
period of time—first to make up for past
deficiencies, and second to narrow the gap
between ourselves and our major industrial
competitors. If the Germans are willing to
spend 15 percent of GNP on investment —
and the Japanese 20 percent—certainly we
should be willing to spend 12 percent of
output for that important purpose.
Inflation: Government Regulation
Increased investment, of course, would help
overcome the inflationary bottlenecks cre
ated by shortages of equipment and materials
in various industries. But speaking of bottle
necks, let's turn to the problems created in the
bottleneck-manufacturing capital of the
world, Washington, D.C. Problems arise in
many cases because worthwhile goals tend
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to be pursued through imperfectly drafted or
even counterproductive regulations. Again,
some of the newer regulatory agencies,
although having jurisdiction over the bulk of
the private sector, still focus on only narrow
sectors of each industry—such as (say)
trucks' effects on the environment. Their
charters don't force them to consider indus
try's basic mission to provide goods and ser
vices to the public—and don't force them to
consider such broader matters as productivity,
economic growth, employment, costs to
the consumer, and inflationary impacts.
The direct cost of staffing and operating
these agencies is considerable, but this repre
sents only the tip of the iceberg. The really
huge costs are those imposed on the private
sector—the added expenses of business
firms which must comply with government
directives, and which inevitably pass on
these costs to their customers. According to
some students of this problem, the total cost
probably exceeds $100 billion a year. As many
as 87 Federal entities now regulate U.S. busi
ness, and their 4,400 different forms require
143 million hours of executive and clerical
effort each year.
Now, substantial benefits flow from many
regulatory activities, but we don't have a good
measure of their overall costs and benefits.
For that reason, I support Commerce Secretary
Kreps' proposal to establish a "regulatory
budget." With more information available on
total Federal and private costs, we could
concentrate our regulatory efforts in those
areas that will do the most good for the
overall economy, and reduce or eliminate
those regulations that needlessly reduce
productivity and push up household living
costs. I'm sure that Mr. Alfred Kahn sees the
problem in this same light, because as he re-
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cently said, his present role is "not Mr. Wage
and Price Regulator, but rather Mr. Efficiency in
Government and Mr. Deregulator."
Many observers believe that Congress legis
lates inflationary pressures not only from the
creation of new agencies but also from various
programs directed toward other legislative
purposes. Thus, cost and price increases flow
from minimum-wage legislation, social-
security and unemployment-insurance taxes,
the steel "reference-price" system, sugar and
grain price-supports, postal rates, energy
policy, and so on. This coming January alone,
employment costs will ratchet upward because
of sharp increases in the minimum wage and
in social-security taxes. By some calculations,
government actions of the type I've listed
add a full percentage point or more to the basic
rate of inflation.
Inflation: Deficit Financing
Even more importantly, I would argue that
the most important source of our severe infla
tion is the stimulus generated by a long series
of large Federal budget deficits. These deficits
in turn have pushed monetary policy off
course in an expansionary direction, measured
by the trend of either M, (currency pius
bank demand deposits) or M2 (currency plus all
bank deposits except large time certificates).
Both measures of the money supply have in
creased about 8 percent over the past
year—close to or even above the upper limits
of their target ranges. The Federal Reserve is
committed to reducing money growth over
time, to a level consistent with relative price
stability, but that goal will be difficult to achieve
as long as Treasury deficit financing contin
ues at its recent pace.
The fiscal 1978 deficit was $49 billion, and
the Administration plans a smaller ($39 billion)
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deficit in fiscal 1979, even with the Jig-bil
lion tax cut recently signed into law by the
President. Yet that means that the 1970's will
end with a mind-boggling $326-billion com
bined deficit for the decade—more than in
the entire earlier history of the Republic. The
problem lies basically with our inability to
curb spending. In this fiscal year, for example,
Federal spending is scheduled to rise by $41
billion—a sharp increase of almost 10 percent.
During the Vietnam War period, defense
spending was the major contributor to the
spending upsurge. But more recently the rise
has been concentrated in civilian programs, es
pecially the aptly named "uncontrollable
categories." Most of these programs involve
the automatic transfer of money to anyone
eligible under entitlement formulas written into
law. As a result, we've seen the Federal gov
ernment's annual transfer payments to individ
uals jump from $27 billion to more than $180
billion within the past decade and a half. Loose
legislative drafting of these open-ended pro
grams helps account for spiralling (and fre
quently unexpected) costs; for example, the
$6-billion food-stamp program could be sev
eral times larger if all those eligible partici
pated, and if they all received benefits meeting
the nutrition standards written into the law.
Improvement is also called for in managing the
$492 billion of Federal spending this year, to
make sure that our taxpayers actually get what
they're paying for. According to the Inspec
tor General of the FHealth-Education-Welfare
Department, that department last year
wasted $6 V2 -7 V2 billion—roughly 5 percent of
its total budget. But more basically, we and
our elected representatives must perform the
most difficult management task of all—cur
tailing or eliminating government programs
which have long since lost their reason for
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being. We can and must improve on that
record, through "sunset" laws and other
means.
Concluding Remarks
In closing, I'll admit that I've painted a pretty
dismal picture in many respects, but I've
done so mainly in order to highlight the steps
I feel we must take to curb the evil of infla
tion. In many other respects, our performance
has been superb in recent years, with this
country acting as the major "locomotive" of the
industrial world. Since the dismal days of
early 1975, the $2-trillion U.S. economy has
grown 19 percent in real terms, and in the
process has created 10 million new jobs. And
despite inflation, per capita disposable
income—a key measure of personal well
being—has increased 13 percent in real
terms since that recession low. But all those ac
complishments may yet go for nought if we
don't get inflation under control.
Our checklist for the fight against inflation
can be fairly lengthy: Cut back on those farm
programs which boost consumer food
costs.. .curb oil imports through a broad-based
energy program which emphasizes the price
mechanism. . .adopt tax programs which en
courage productivity-enhancing invest
ment develop regulatory budgets which en
sure that the benefits exceed the costs of
regulation. . .reduce proposed increases in the
minimum wage, at least for teenagers. . .re
duce costs of government programs through
better legislative drafting and better man
agement, and so on.
The prime necessity, however, is to reduce
the inflationary pressures generated by massive
Federal budget deficits. Monetary policy
can't carry the entire anti-inflation burden
alone, because policy would have to be so
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restrictive that it would severely affect those
sectors most vulnerable to a credit
squeeze—agriculture, housing, small business,
and state and local governments. So it's es
sential that fiscal policy carry its share of the
burden, through a slowdown in Federal
spending and a consequent reduction in Trea
sury borrowing pressures on credit markets.
We're engaged in an all-out war on inflation,
and that means that we have to utilize every
single weapon in our armory.
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Cite this document
APA
John J. Balles (1978, November 27). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19781128_john_j_balles
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19781128_john_j_balles,
author = {John J. Balles},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1978},
month = {Nov},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19781128_john_j_balles},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}