speeches · May 22, 1978
Regional President Speech
John J. Balles · President
ECONOMIC
STABILIZATION
______ TODAY
---------------------------------------------------------------
REMARKS OF
John J. Balles
President
Federal Reserve Bank
of San Francisco
Meeting with Los Angeles Community Leaders
and Board of Directors, Los Angeles Branch,
Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco
Los Angeles, California
May 23, 1978
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Mr. Balles argues that inflation threatens to
undermine the continuation of a strong busi
ness expansion. The problem can be attrib
uted largely to the overstimulus achieved
through massive Federal budget deficits;
which in turn have created pressures on the
Federal Reserve to ensure the financing of
those deficits. At this stage of the business cy
cle, the nation should be moving rapidly to
ward a budget balance or even a surplus,
primarily by bringing spending under con
trol. (Instead, Congress voted recently for a
sharp 10-percent increase, to $499 billion, in
fiscal 1979 spending.) Controlling inflation re
quires a joint effort on the part of all sectors
of the economy. The Federal Reserve cannot
do the job alone through credit-tightening
policies.
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I'm grateful for this opportunity to discuss
the state of the economy with the leaders of
one of the world's greatest urban centers. I
am especially pleased that I can meet with you
today under the sponsorship of the Board of
Directors of our Los Angeles office—an
extremely able and diverse group of
individuals.
I'd like to bring to your attention some prob
lems of economic stabilization, at a time when
the economy stands at a vital crossroad. But
before I begin, I would like to spend a few mo
ments reviewing the important role per
formed by directors of a Federal Reserve Bank,
which is unique among the central banks of
the world. Only in the United States does the
nation's central bank benefit from a "grass
roots" input to policy. Our directors are con
cerned with each of the four major jobs del
egated by Congress to the Federal Reserve—
that is, provision of "wholesale" banking ser
vices such as coin, currency and check process
ing; supervision and regulation of a large
share of the nation's banking system; adminis
tration of consumer-protection laws; and
above all, the development of monetary
policy. We are fortunate in the advice we
get from our directors in each of these areas.
The value of their advice is given greater
weight by the diversity of the occupations and
groups which they represent. We have con
sistently obtained the services of a wide range
of very competent businessmen, bankers,
academicians and agriculturists. But in addition,
I'm proud of the fact that, among our five
offices, our District has been the first in the Fed
eral Reserve System to appoint a woman di
rector, a Black director, an Asian-American, and
a Latin-American to these key positions. And
the Los Angeles Board has been the first to in
clude not one, but two very competent
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women executives among its current mem
bers, Chairman Caroline Ahmanson and
Fern Jellison.
Our Directors constantly help us improve
the level of central-banking services, and in the
most cost-effective manner. Above all, they
help us improve the workings of monetary
policy. As one means of doing so, they pro
vide us with practical first-hand inputs on key
developments in various regions of this Dis
trict and various sectors of the economy. They
help us anticipate changing trends in the
economy, by providing insights into consumer
and business psychology which serve as
checks against our own analyses of statistical
data.
Message of the Markets
Heavens knows we can use all the help we
can get, especially in view of the great uncer
tainty which surrounds business and finan
cial prospects in the year ahead. We hope to
get more good advice from these wise
counselors, but we also plan to listen to the
message provided us by the vast impersonal
mechanism of the financial markets. Last month
we received a very optimistic message.
Recovering from its earlier preoccupation with
falling prices, falling volume, and falling com
missions, Wall Street voiced a loud vote of con
fidence in official Washington's increasingly
determined stand against inflation. In contrast,
the long bear market of 1977 and early 1978
sent us a different message, but one with the
same underlying moral—the need to curb
inflation for the sake of our economy's future
health.
Prices of many secondary issues have been ris
ing throughout the past several years, but
the broad stock indexes until recently have
headed only downward, in this way adjust
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ing for the unhealthy nature of reported corpo
rate earnings. Corporate profits, after
adjustment for inflation, are only about 18
percent higher today than they were in
1966, when the Dow Jones industrial average
first broke 1,000. Moreover, this does not al
low for what inflation has done to the replace
ment cost of capital investment. In the
absence of a good inflation-accounting system,
American industry has been grossly over
stating its net earnings, and depreciation
allowances have fallen steadily behind the
escalating cost of replacing facilities. As Trea
sury Secretary Blumenthal recently argued,
this problem underscores the need for some
basic tax-reform measures which stimulate
greater capital spending by business. The U.S.
today has the lowest rate of capital forma
tion of any major country, and this bodes ill for
our future economic health. Without more
savings and more investment, we cannot cre
ate the jobs we need, and cannot sustain the
rising standard of living which all Americans
consider their birthright.
Prospects for the Economy
Let's now consider the message we're get
ting from the markets for goods and services.
The $2-trillion national economy is still in the
midst of the strongest and the longest peace
time expansion of the past quarter-century.
The Korean War expansion was somewhat
stronger, and the Vietnam War expansion of
the 1%0's was somewhat longer. But no other
expansion of the past generation could
match the economy's recent performance—an
ability to churn out the yardage, quarter
after quarter, ever since the dismal days of early
1975. The expansion has proceeded at a
healthy 5.2-percent annual growth over that
three-year period, and only two of the quar
ters in that period have been substandard in
growth—including the weather-affected
first quarter of 1978.
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Many experts have seriously underesti
mated the strength of this expansion. One
reason may be because time was needed to
offset the preceding recession—the sharpest
and steepest downturn of the past genera
tion. Another reason may be because of the
continued high level of reported unemploy
ment. However, we have created almost 10
million new jobs in this three-year-old busi
ness expansion—about as many as in the pre
ceding eight years put together. Indeed, we
seem to be effectively fully employed. Scarci
ties of trained workers are developing, the
index of help-wanted advertising is at least a
third higher than a year ago, and the jobless
rate among household heads is down to 3.7
percent.
Admittedly, there is a serious unemployment
problem among some groups. Thirty-five
percent of black teenagers are listed in the job
less totals, and more than 1V2 million work
ers have been out of work for over six months
or have become discouraged enough to
drop out of the labor force. But those individ
uals can find employment only if we de
velop better training programs, create more
low-wage entry-level jobs, or use tax incen
tives as recently proposed by President
Carter—and not if we overheat the econo
my through shot-gun type programs of eco
nomic stimulus. The ultimate irony is that
inflationary government policies, leading to
subsequent recessions, ultimately raise the
average unemployment rate—and strike
hardest at disadvantaged groups in society.
At this stage, the big question is whether the
expansion can continue, or whether it will
drift into recession. On balance we could ex
pect some deceleration in activity, because
of the strains beginning to show up in the econ
omy, but we should still be able to avoid re
cession. Housing and autos, the sparkplugs of
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the earlier stages of the recovery, have again
strengthened in recent months. Still, they may
weaken later, partly because of the heavy
load of debt assumed by consumers over the
past several years. Meanwhile, we see a
speed-up in activity by some of the former
slow-growing sectors of the economy.
Spending by state and local governments
should accelerate, bolstered by Federal
grants and by the expanding economy's boost
to tax revenues. (We'll know more about
Californians' feelings about that subject two
weeks from now.) Defense spending may
become more expansive, as indicated by the
growth of military prime-contract awards,
which are running sharply above a year ago.
The prospects for this expansion, and for
much else besides, depend heavily on what oc
curs in business plant-and-equipment
spending. At long last, we're beginning to get
some optimistic signals from this sector. In
deed, the latest spending surveys suggest a
definite turn in sentiment. Moreover, the
leading series for business capital investment—
capital-goods orders and construction-con-
tract awards—both indicate a significant upturn
in this key sector of the economy.
Deficits and Prices
Altogether, there still seems to be consider
able life left in the business expansion. How
ever, the relatively optimistic outlook for the
economy could be undermined by a worsen
ing of inflationary expectations among con
sumers and business people. Hence, I want to
stress today the vital need to come to grips
with the inflation problem. Of course, we
shouldn't expect a downturn simply be
cause of the longevity of this business cycle.
Business expansions don't die because of
old age, but rather because of riotous living in
earlier stages of the cycle. But unfortunately,
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we have indulged in some riotous living—the
overstimulus achieved through massive Fed
eral budget deficits, which in turn have created
pressures on the Federal Reserve to ensure
the financing of those deficits.
Our recent worries, including the decline of
the dollar overseas, could be traced in large
part to the highly inflationary implications of
a widening Federal deficit in the midst of a
strong business expansion, from $45 billion
in fiscal 1977 to $53 billion in fiscal 1978. And
despite the President's decision to ask for a
reduction and postponement of the proposed
income-tax cut—which was a badly needed
move in the right direction—the deficit is likely
to exceed $50 billion again in the next fiscal
year. At this stage of the business cycle, we
should be moving rapidly toward a budget
balance or even a surplus, primarily by bringing
spending under control. Instead, Congress
voted last week to boost spending $45 billion
to a total of $499 billion next year—a sharp
10-percent increase.
We all welcome President Carter's threat to
exercise his veto authority to keep spending
under control. We also appreciate his call for
private decision makers to keep wage and
price increases significantly below the aver
ages of the past two years. (And Robert Strauss,
who is a lawyer, has shown his enthusiasm
for the program by pushing for lower lawyers'
fees.) But we should recognize the limita
tions of such incomes policies, which tend to
treat symptoms rather than causes. In the
present case, organized labor has already re
jected the idea of wage restraints, preferring
to see first what happens to prices. And in the
last analysis, the historical record clearly
shows that incomes policies don't work against
inflation, in the absence of fiscal and mone
tary restraints.
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Today, many market observers also fear
Washington's penchant for creating more infla
tionary pressures through new legislation.
These include the cost and price increases asso
ciated with the minimum wage, social-secu-
rity and unemployment-insurance taxes, the
steel "reference price" system, sugar and
grain price supports, postal rates, energy policy,
the recent coal settlement, and so on. By
some calculations, government actions of this
sort may add a full percentage point or more
to the basic rate of inflation.
The international situation has also contrib
uted to price pressures. Despite a recent im
provement, the trade-weighted value of the
dollar remains 4 Vi percent below its level of
early last fall. This dollar depreciation helps
raise the domestic price structure in several dif
ferent ways. Higher prices of imported fin
ished goods directly raise the prices paid by
consumers. Higher prices of imported mate
rials raise the costs of domestic manufacturers.
Moreover, higher prices of foreign goods re
duce the pressure to hold down the prices of
domestically-produced goods with which
they compete in the markets.
The recent acceleration of prices is indeed
worrisome, no matter what the source. Food
prices, always highly visible, increased at
a 16-percent annual rate during the first quarter
of the year. Consumer prices exclusive of
the volatile food and energy components—
that is, items accounting for three-fourths
of the entire consumer market basket—rose at
an 8-percent rate during the winter months,
in contrast to their much lower 5-percent rate
of increase during the second half of 1977.
Then in April, wholesale prices rose sharply,
while the closely watched monthly survey
of corporate purchasing agents showed a very
sharp increase in the number who reported
paying higher prices. Everyone is now paying
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more for steel—that basic metal underpin
ning our entire economy—and everyone is
now paying more for other essential materi
als. On the inflation front at least, Murphy's
Law seems to have taken over.
Inflation and Interest Rates
We can't say that we didn't see it all coming.
On re-reading the speech which I made here in
Town Hall almost a year ago, I realize (with a
sinking feeling) that we are now experiencing
what I suggested would occur if we failed to
get inflation under control. And I might add, it
gives me no satisfaction at all to be able to
say, "I told you so." We can hope for more
progress in the anti-inflation fight in view of
the more aggressive stance recently assumed
by the Administration and Congress, as well
as the Federal Reserve—but success is possible
only with a prolonged anti-inflation struggle.
Certainly we won't be able to win if the Federal
Reserve is forced to carry on the struggle all
by itself, because reliance on credit policy to
the exclusion of Federal spending policy
could threaten the continuation of the expan
sion through a "credit crunch"—which we
want to avoid.
Let's consider where interest rates stand in
this inflationary atmosphere. Short-term market
rates have risen at least 2 to 2 V2 percentage
points above their 1977 lows, so that commer
cial paper (for example) is now selling at
close to 7 percent. Most long-term rates mean
while have risen at least one full percentage
point above their 1977 lows, so that high-grade
utility bonds (for example) now yield almost
9 percent. And judging from some newspaper
stories, the Federal Reserve is solely to biame
for this surge in borrowing costs.
Most people realize by now that the Federal
Reserve is able to put upward pressure on rates
in the short-run through a tighter monetary
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policy. Many people—but not everybody—
also realize that a rising demand for funds in
a strong business expansion can put similar
pressure on rates. But relatively few people
clearly understand the long-term effects of
price expectations on interest rates, and the
way in which such expectations can offset
other market influences. Vet the basic point
is quite clear. With prices expected to rise at
(say) 6 percent a year, lenders will demand a
6-percent inflation premium plus some basic
"real" rate of interest—perhaps 9 percent in
all—to protect themselves against an expected
long-term loss in the purchasing power of
their money. But borrowers will be willing to
pay this inflation premium, because they
would expect to repay their loans with dollars
that are worth 6 percent less each year than
the dollars they originally borrowed. So if the
Fed happened to ease money considerably
in today's circumstances, long-term rates at
least would probably go up rather than
down, because of an expectation of worsening
inflation.
Inflation and Monetary Policy
One point that should be emphasized is that
the Fed does not take some perverse pride in
watching interest rates go up. It acts to
tighten money only as a means of preventing
excessive growth of money and credit and
thereby curbing inflation—the nation's No. 1
problem, according to 82 percent of the
people surveyed in a recent Harris poll. The al
ternative is to watch the distortions of infla
tion bring about a recession and more
joblessness, as we have seen from long ex
perience in this country as well as abroad. With
a worsening of unexpected inflation, house
holds become uncertain about the future value
of their real incomes, and thus tend to cut
back on their spending plans. Similarly, under
such conditions, businesses become more
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uncertain about the rate of return on new cap
ital, and thus tend to reduce investment in
new plant and equipment. The actions of both
groups lower the total level of demand in
the economy, and thereby tend to raise the un
employment rate.
Now what specifically does the Fed have to do
when it receives mixed signals about the fu
ture of the 1978-79 economy? Logically, it con
centrates on the one "off plan" component
of the nation's economic strategy—that is, in
flation. As Chairman Miller pointed out in re
cent Congressional testimony, the Fed intends
to maintain money growth at a slower pace
this year than last, especially since we overshot
our targets on money-supply growth last
year. This point emphasizes the Fed's firm com
mitment to a gradual reduction in money
growth to a pace more nearly consistent with
reasonable price stability, while still provid
ing adequate money and credit for continued
economic growth.
Concluding Remarks
All in all, the economy and the financial mar
kets remain in relatively good shape at this
stage of the business expansion—provided
that we reverse the accelerated inflation that
has occured so far in 1978. Despite the in
creased pressures experienced by depository
institutions, credit remains in ample supply
except perhaps in the mortgage market. Most
borrowers are still experiencing little diffi
culty in raising needed funds at current interest-
rate levels. But at the same time, inflation
threatens to undermine the expansion in the
different ways I've described. Thus, bringing
inflation under controi requires a joint effort on
the part of all sectors of the economy—gov
ernment and private alike. As Federal Reserve
Chairman Miller recently said, the Fed will be
doing its "day-to-day, week-to-week, month-
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to-month job of leaning against inflation,"
but we all know that the Fed can't do the job
alone.
Inflation, finally, is the key point at issue in re
gard to the Federal Reserve's independent
stance within the Federal government. The
founders of the System knew very well that
the power to print money is a difficult tempta
tion for elected officials to resist. They real
ized that more Executive or Congressional
control over the printing press would mean
more inflation, whereas central-bank indepen
dence would mean less inflation. Now more
than ever, in the midst of one of the most infla
tionary decades of the past century, we
need that anchor to windward.
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Cite this document
APA
John J. Balles (1978, May 22). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19780523_john_j_balles
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19780523_john_j_balles,
author = {John J. Balles},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1978},
month = {May},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19780523_john_j_balles},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}