speeches · May 23, 1977
Regional President Speech
Mark H. Willes · President
North Dakota Bankers Association Convention May 24, 1977
A NEW POLICYMAKER'S VIEW OF INFLATION
Introduction
I'm delighted to be here on my first trip to North Dakota, although
I will confess that I find the circumstances make me a little nervous. For
I realize that I'm really a last-minute stand-in for Bruce MacLaury, who up
until a short time ago would have been the one to occupy this spot.
Whenever I think of being a stand-in for someone else, I think of
the story I heard in Pennsylvania where I have spent the last ten years,
about the Quaker meeting at which the singer was sick, so they asked
another man to fill in and sing. He was a little reluctant, but finally
agreed. Unfortunately, he did a terrible job. He sang off key, he forgot
the words -- it was just awful. One of the men in the congregation could
tell he felt very badly about the whole thing, so he went up to him and
said:
"Thee should not feel bad.
Thee did thy very best.
Tis he that asked thee should be shot."
I hope for the sake of those who asked me to speak today that I
do better than that substitute singer. In fact, I hope that after you have
heard what I have to say today, you don't decide that you want to shoot me.
Actually, as bankers, I would guess that you would have a better understanding
of my remarks today than would many other groups.
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As some of you may know, I am not new to the Federal Reserve System
I joined the staff of the Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia in 1967. So
I am getting on toward being an old System hand. But I have been president
of the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis for only a little more than two
months. I am therefore new tc the responsibilities of a Reserve Bank presi
dent, which include serving as a member of the Federal Open Market Committee -
or the FOMC. And that committee, as I am sure you are aware, is the most
important of all the Federal Reserve committees (of which, let me assure
you, there are a great many). It decides the monetary policy of this
country, and monetary policy is a very important determinant of economic
conditions not only in the United States but in the larger world beyond.
Being a new member of the FOMC has some significant advantages.
One of the most important is that it is not possible to blame me for past
policy mistakes. And mistakes there have been, even in recent years. Nor
do I feel any pressing need to use my time here to explain those mistakes
away. And, of course, I cannot tell you in any detail what monetary policy
will or should be in the months and years ahead. What I can and would like
to do, though, is give you some idea of my view on what is surely one of
the great economic issues of this decade -- the issue of unemployment versus
inflation. That view will guide me as I participate in the deliberations
of the Open Market Committee.
My participation in that committee is my most important responsibility.
And while as a member of the FOMC I represent the country at large and not
just banking or other groups in the Ninth District, you do have a special
right to know how I will approach that assignment. So I have taken this
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opportunity in giving my first major speech to explain to you my views on
the most difficult challenge and responsibility I will face as president
of the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis.
I have been told that there is a grand tradition here in the Ninth
Federal Reserve District, a tradition of openness, of people being frank
and candid. So you will, I am sure, let me know if you believe that my
view on the issue cf unemployment versus inflation is in error and that I
am therefore likely to serve our country badly. I would, of course, be
delighted to hear from you if you think my view makes sense.
Inflation the Number One Problem
I can state my view in a very few words: the over-riding economic
problem today is inflation. The Federal Reserve, therefore, must give top
priority to restoring price stability.
I do not deny that we have a serious unemployment problem. While
the over-all unemployment rate has declined considerably from the peak of
9.0% reached in the last recession, and prospects are good that it will go
lower still through the remainder of 1977 and into 1978, even so, we will
for some time to come have a serious unemployment prob lem.
The problem may be, however, a little less serious than it appears.
A given unemployment rate does not mean what it meant fifteen or twenty
years ago. That is because young people and women make up a larger fraction
of the labor force than they did. And although it is regrettable, the young
and women experience more unemployment on average than do adult male workers.
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Op average, they quit their jobs or are laid off more frequently. And thus
the larger their share of the labor force, the higher the unemployment rate.
Consequently, "full employment" is not what it once was. If 4.0% was a good
approximation of full employment in, say, the early 1960's, then today
somewhere between 5 and 6% is a good approximation. And that is not as
far from the 7,0% rate we had in April as seme would have us believe.
Moreover, we have to keep in mind that generally those who are
unemployed do not suffer as much economically as they did ten or twenty or
thirty years ago. To be sure, being laid off can be a severe trauma, a
severe psychological shock. But because a larger proportion of the unemployed
are women or teenagers, that often means there is at least one breadwinner
in the home who is still working. So many "unemployed families" still have
wage or other income to blunt the effects of unemployment. In addition,
unemployment compensation is much more generous than it was. Indeed,
recent research suggests that for some, unemployment compensation plus
other available benefits exceed the take-home pay the individual would get
by working. Consequently, for fairly long periods of time, people can be
out of work and not suffer a significant decline in their standard of
living. This not only means that the economic suffering associated with a
given level of unemployment is reduced, but it also means that people are
more choosy about the jobs they will accept. So they are likely to stay out
of work longer than they otherwise would. To a degree then, our very
generosity has aggravated the unemployment problem.
So our definition of full employment has changed. And some unemploy
ment is the result of generous unemployment compensation and other benefits.
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Nevertheless, as I said before, a 7.0% unemployment rate is too high. We
can (and I hope will) do better than that.
No Tradeoff Between Inflation and Unemployment
The essential point, however, is that tolerating inflation, or
letting inflation accelerate again, will not reduce unemployment, except
perhaps briefly. More inflation does not mean less unemployment.
A decade ago, many (perhaps most) economists believed that there
was a trade-off between inflation and unemployment. A government, if willing
to tolerate a high enough inflation rate, could achieve any desired unemploy
ment rate. But the professional consensus has now shifted. Today it is
quite widely accepted that at best inflationary monetary and fiscal policies
will only fleetingly reduce unemployment. A government that launches on an
inflationary course, either deliberately or accidentally, will not achieve
a permanent reduction in unemployment. In fact, that very inflation may
ultimately cause unemployment to rise.
In his most recent appearance before the Senate Banking Committee,
Chairman Burns said:
"My fundamental view is that unless we bring down the
rate of inflation, we will not have good times in this country.
We will continue to suffer from an excess of unemployment. I
think that (restoring price stability) has to be our number
one priority because unemployment and inflation are so closely
tied together ... To get unemployment down . . . we will have
to get inflation down."
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Many people have taken exception to statements like this one of
Chairman Burns. I will not today take you through all of the theoretical
and empirical studies marshalled on both sides of the issue, and I will
readily admit that the evidence is far from conclusive. But as I have
studied the sweep of historical events both in this country and abroad,
I have reached the judgment that at best, inflation can only buy a temporary
reduction in unemployment. And often, it may do so at the expense of even
higher unemployment in the long run as accelerating price increases call
for stern measures to prevent economic chaos.
But even if inflation could buy some reduction in unemployment,
even a temporary reduction, it would be an unacceptably expensive way to
do it. Inflation is a capricious tax, which in very arbitrary ways takes
from some segments of society and gives to others. We really know very
little about who benefits and who gets hurt by inflation, but we do know
that it creates uncertainty, and thereby distorts and complicates decisions
both of consumers and businessmen. The inevitable result of all of the
economic churning that is part of people's attempts to anticipate or respond
to inflation is the waste and. misallocation of resources. On a national
scale, the cost must be horrendous. Surely there must be cheaper and more
effective ways, from society's point of view, to reduce unemployment.
We might try a variety of ways to improve the workings or the
efficiency of the labor market, by removing artificial barriers and
facilitating the flow of job and other information. We might limit future
increases in the minimum wage, or indeed even lower it at least for the young
and poorly trained job seekers. It seems quite clear that the minimum wage
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is in part responsible for the high unemployment rates experienced by the
young, and particularly the young of minority groups. And we hardly do
the young a favor by promising a nice wage for jobs they will never get.
And other things can be done. The point is that if we would all
spend as much time developing creative ways to reduce unemployment directly
as we now do figuring out ways to cause and then try to manage inflation,
we could most likely solve both problems with much less cost and anguish.
This is particularly true now since we still periodically hear the
suggestion that some forn of wage and price controls should be used to
help manage inflation. Fortunately the current Administration seems
persuaded by the large amount of experience in this and other countries
that such controls are not only ineffective but costly. They distort the
necessary flow of goods and services, cause shortages and bottlenecks,
and most important of all they cause a significant reduction in personal free
dom. Let's hope that government persists in avoiding application of the wage
and price control remedy, which is worse in its effects than the problem it
is ineffective in solving.
The Outlook for Inflation
It may seem strange to some of you that I chose this morning to talk
about inflation when the inflation rate is now considerably less than it was.
In 1974, it was in excess of 12%, and last year it was only 5%. So we have
made considerable progress. Yet 5% is still significantly above the average of
2-% % that has prevailed for most of the post-war period. And unlike the
unemployment rate which is moving down, there are hints in recent economic
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reports that inflation may be accelerating again. The Wholesale Price
Index and the Consumer Price Index increased at a higher rate in the first
quarter of this year than in the second half of last year. And it is no
comfort to point to food and fuel prices by way of explanation. Whatever
prices increase, inflation is still inflation. Further, labor compensation
has lately been increasing at a higher rate than it did last year. While
there are still apparently some margins of excess capacity, of capital and
of labor, nevertheless the threat of accelerating inflation is very real.
J am, however, cautiously optimistic. I believe there are signs
that our government and the Federal Reserve mean to be resolute in con
taining inflation. I have in mind various of the things President Carter
has done since taking office. He has refused to bow to pressures for
taxing or restricting imports of shoes and other products. And as we all
know, international competition or free trade in goods can make an
important contribution to price stability.
Then, too, President Carter's proposed support prices for wheat and
corn are lower than the Congress wants to impose, and he has threatened to
veto any bill that sets support prices that in his judgment are too high.
I perhaps should not have brought that up here in North Dakota. His stand
may not be very popular in these parts. That, however, is the point. If
we are to restore price stability, we cannot go on as before, acting as if
everyone could have more and more. Restoring price stability is likely
going to involve disappointing various of our citizens, at least for a while.
That is why the task will prove difficult, and why I am somewhat encouraged
by what President Carter has said and done.
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I should also mention his having withdrawn his proposal for the
$50 rebate -- and what is even more important, his insistence that balancing
the federal budget is his top economic priority. I do not know whether he
will manage to do that by 1981. I am quite sure, though, that doing so is
important. And it is encouraging that he has been so emphatic about his
intention to do so. If he manages to curb federal spending and achieves
or comes close to achieving a balanced budget, we will be a good deal
closer to lasting price stability than presently we are.
The Federal Reserve Response?
And what of the Federal Reserve? Can we be confident that it will
do what is required? Again, I am cautiously optimistic.
Being bankers, you are all aware, I am sure, that now the Open
Market Committee pays much more attention than it once did to the so-called
monetary aggregates, the most important of which are M-j and M^. As you know,
M-j is the narrow money supply, the total of currency and demand deposits
owned by the public. And M^, the broad money supply, is made up of currency
and demand deposits plus consumer-type time and savings deposits.
Now, the Open Market Committee has not become a slave to those
aggregates, although some might wish that it were. It attends to other
economic indicators as well. But it is important that the Committee has
to some extent changed the way it operates, and more particularly that it
keeps a closer watch on M and than it once did. On occasion in the past
it has confused an increase in interest rates with a more restrictive
monetary policy. But now, with it watching the aggregates, there is less
chance that the Committee will fool itself.
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The Committee itself chose to put greater emphasis on the
aggregates. It was helped along, though, by the Congress. Under
Concurrent Resolution 133, the Chairman of the Board of Governors
is required to report four times a year, at quarterly intervals, on
the target growth ranges for the aggregates that have been adopted
by the Open Market Committee. Earlier this month, Chairman Burns
went before the Senate Banking Committee to inform it (and thereby
the general public) what rate of growth for M-| the FQMC was hoping
to achieve over the year ending in mid-1978. He said, as some of
you may recall, that the F^C was hoping for growth in the range of
4 1/2 to 6 1/2%.
But Chairman Burns also said, as he has on every occasion,
that the target growth ranges set by the FOMC are too high, that
over time the ranges had to be reduced. And over the past two years
the Committee has reduced its ranges, if ever so gradually. I
believe we can take some comfort from the fact that the Committee has
been changing its target ranges in the direction of moderating
inflation.
Of course, we could take even more comfort if the FOMC were
living up to its intentions. Mhile it has gradually lowered its
target range for M , there has been no appreciable decrease in actual
growth of the money supply. Indeed, the money supply increased more
in 1976 than in 1975. Clearly, the Committee has to do better at
delivering on its promises.
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Now I don't want to be too harsh on my new colleagues. The
environment in which monetary policy has been conducted has been very
difficult.
There are many, in fact, who have argued that the inflation of
the period since 1973 was forced upon us by nature and the OPEC cartel.
You will recall the crop failure of 1972, particularly in Russia, and
the less serious failure of 1974. Those failures resulted in sharp
food price increases, and those increases got reflected in wage demands
and thereby in a subsequent general increase in prices. And you will
recall the unprecedented oil price increases of late 1973. They too
got reflected in wage demands and thereby in a more general increase
in prices.
So it is in a way right to say that the inflation of recent
years was forced on us. But it is in another way wrong to say that
inflation was forced on the United States. What I mean is that with
restrictive enough monetary and fiscal policies, the food and oil
price increases might have been offset at least in part by decreases
in prices of other things.
Of course, if our policies had been that restrictive,
unemployment would for a while have averaged more than it did. When
policies become more restrictive, the immediate effect is a decrease
in output and employment. Prices respond only with a longer lag.
So the Federal Reserve followed a course of moderation. It perhaps
felt — and if so, rightly — that with a policy that was too restrictive,
it might win a battle and lose the war. That is the clamor resulting
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from even higher unemployment than we had night have resulted in
changes in our governmental and other policies and institutions that
could have haunted us for a long time.
But it is extremely important to recognize the nature of the
inflation of recent years. An increase in one price will be
inflationary only if accommodated by an increase in the money supply.
Consequently, we must not get into the habit of equating an increase
in some prices with a general increase in prices. For example, the
increases in energy prices implied by President Carter's recently
announced energy program do not have to result in inflation, but
rather only a change in relative prices, or the relationship of energy
prices to the prices of other things. And perhaps the time has come
to ensure that the energy price increases that must come do not result
in inflation. Perhaps the time has come for the Federal Open Market
Committee to be less accommodating than it has been. For with each
bout of inflation, restoration of price stability becomes that much
more difficult.
Conclusion
I am under no illusion that restoring and then maintaining
price stability will be easy. We in this country, and those in other
countries as well, seem to have developed unrealistic expectations
about the standards of living we can have. That is in part the fault
of governments that have promised too much. It will take a while
for us to unlearn, to change our expectations. And doing so will be
painful. Yet the Federal Reserve must, it seems to me, do what it
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can to get the economy back on a path of stable prices. It must
resist the pressures born of disappointed expectations. If it
does not, then we likely will end up with a much more regimented
economy, and with less of that most precious of all commodities,
freedom.
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Cite this document
APA
Mark H. Willes (1977, May 23). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19770524_mark_h_willes
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19770524_mark_h_willes,
author = {Mark H. Willes},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1977},
month = {May},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19770524_mark_h_willes},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}