speeches · January 10, 1977
Regional President Speech
David P. Eastburn · President
WHAT TO DO ABOUT UNEMPLOYMENT?
Address by
DAVID P. EASTBURN
President, Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia
before the
Sales and Marketing Executives of Nashville
Nashville, Tennessee
January 11, 1977
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What to Do About Unemployment?
The pause is over and the outlook for the economy is improving. Yet
even the more optimistic forecasts have a very high level of unemployment
persisting through 1977. Mr. Carter has given a reduction of unemployment
top priority and we can expect much action on this front in coming months.
So this is an ideal time to consider what to do about unemployment.
A few years ago I hit on what, for me at least, is a useful approach
to a number of our current problems. It occurred to me that there are two
kinds of people in this world. One is Economic Man, the type of person
economists have counted on for over a century— a rational calculator con
cerned above all with efficiency. The other is Social Man, concerned mostly
with how people live together and how to promote social justice. Most of
us are both Economic and Social Man, which is all to the good when the two
complement each other. But wefre occasionally torn about how to solve cur
rent problems because Economic Man and Social Man are warring with each other
I have found this device helpful in analyzing economic growth and the environ
ment and I suggest it is also a productive way to look at unemployment.
For Social Man unemployment is an unalloyed evil. In a society that
places high value on the work ethic, unemployment destroys a person’s feeling
of worth. It concentrates its impact on the poor, minorities and youth. It
often is a product of discrimination. And although many other forces are at
work in causing economic hardship, unemployment is basic to it.
For Economic Man, unemployment has some good points along with the bad.
Some people are voluntarily out of work for short periods of time. They feel
they can do better elsewhere so they quit and spend some time searching for a
new job. Economic Man thinks this kind of unemployment is good because it
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Economic and Social Man also may argue makes for a more productive
about statistics. On the one hand,
the official figures include students labor force over the long haul
looking for but unable to find part-
time work, workers on layoff who are and is part of a society that
soon to be recalled and people who are
far from poor. Economic Man argues values free choice of occupation.
that the statistics exaggerate the
problem. But there is a good argument (Social Man counters that much of
on the other side. The official fig
ures don’t include those who can find this churning in the job market
only part-time work or are discouraged
from looking. There are many things is because disadvantaged people
wrong with the data and it is dangerous
to take the overall number at face find themselves in disagreeable,
value. But progress is being made by
the officials in improving their cal dead-end situations. It is,
culations and much work is going for
ward by others in taking the aggregate rather, a sign of unhealthy insta
figure apart to see what’s really going
on. bility.) This "new" unemployment
is unlike the stereotype hangover
of the 1930s so Economic Man does not worry much about it. But not all unemploy
ment is voluntary. Where people are involuntarily out of work, Economic Man
agrees with Social Man that unemployment is a waste of valuable talent and govern
mental action is needed. But since no one knows exactly how much of the unemploy
ment we see is voluntary and how much is involuntary, Economic Man and Social Man
may disagree about how strong that governmental action should be.
Obviously, I have overdrawn this picture. The important point is that
action must be taken to reduce unemployment from current levels, but it must be
careful action that will preserve the dynamism of the economy. This is the
tough trade-off: how to heed the urgings from the heart of Social Man and at
the same time the advice from the head of Economic Man.
This trade-off must be borne in mind in considering three main ways of
dealing with unemployment: monetary and fiscal policy, measures to deal with
structural unemployment, and action to sustain incomes of the unemployed.
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Solution #1: Monetary and Fiscal Policy
This is what economists call demand management, influencing the total
demand for the products of our economy by changes in money growth and in
terest rates and by government spending and taxing. Social Man would go
all out. The basic solution, he feels, is to be sure the economy is
operating at full draft. Economic experience and common sense lend some
support to this position. The period of lowest unemployment in recent
history was World War II when the economy was straining for additional
output.
Economic Man also strongly favors this tool. He sees big advantages
in it over some others because it can be used to stimulate the private
economy rather than enlarging the role of government. But he sees some
limits. Monetary and fiscal policy, he thinks, should be used only to
smooth ups and downs of the economy, not to push unemployment down to zero.
His "best” rate of unemployment isn’t zero but the rate where all unemploy
ment is voluntary. To try to keep unemployment below this point is not only
inefficient but produces inflation.
Now economists have spent a great deal of time and effort in recent
years analyzing why this is so. They have debated about the Phillips curve—
the trade-off between unemployment and inflation— whether the curve really
exists, whether it shifts, and what its long-run future may be. And they
have speculated about whether there is a "natural rate" of unemployment.
This business not only gets very complicated technically, but involves
hard value judgments as to whether inflation or unemployment does more harm
to society. In general, I would say, Social Man is inclined to accept some
inflation to get lower unemployment; Economic Man would accept some unemploy
ment to hold down inflation. I’m not saying one is soft-headed or the other
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hard-hearted. The point is that in a world where we are very unsure of the
relation between unemployment and inflation, what we decide to do may well
depend on how much it costs us if we make a mistake. Social Man would
rather err on the side of accepting more inflation because he sees unemploy
ment as the greater evil; Economic Man leans to policies which reduce the
chances of inflation because he sees this as the greater evil. This is a
question each of us must answer for himself in deciding how to deal with
unemployment.
On this issue I happen to feel more One sexual sidelight. Women
have been unjustly blamed for
comfortable with the view of Economic the current high level of un
employment . It is true that
Man. There are limits to how far we more and more women have been
seeking jobs, but this has been
can push the economy without setting off going on for many years. Anal
ysis shows that the sharp in
skyrocketing inflation. I, for one, do crease in unemployment during
the recession and the slowness
not see that the answer to this dilemma of unemployment to decline again
since is because of a weak econ
is simply to put on price and wage con omy, not women.
trols (as some would) to keep prices and wages from going up as we force unemploy
ment down. The wage-price control solution is, I think, a good example of Social
Man among us trying to achieve perfectly laudable goals without first clearing
with his colleague Economic Man. It is not only that controls infringe on free
dom, but in the long run they don’t work.
No one knows what unemployment rate is consistent with stable prices. It
is clear that it has risen. Where once we talked about 3 or 4 percent, we now
talk of 5 or 6 percent. I believe we have some room for additional stimulation
but would be very alert to prices. Given the recent trauma of double-digit in
flation, I, for one, want to proceed very carefully about forcing unemployment
down through monetary and fiscal policy. If inflation were to take off again,
the outlook for unemployment would not be good.
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I would feel less comfortable with this view if there were no other
ways to deal with unemployment, but there are.
Solution #2: Structural Measures
The reason Solution #1 canft do the whole job is that creeping into
the unemployment problem over recent years has been what economists regard
as a structural element. The people side of this is that there are substan
tial numbers, largely minorities and youth, who are not well equipped to com
pete in the job market. The economics side of this is that there are some
ways in which the market does not work as well as we might wish.
This is a matter on which Economic Man has strong views. He has certain
theories about how markets are supposed to operate and when markets don’t
cooperate with him, he is vigorous in urging reform. He pushes, for example,
for good information. He looks for more efficient ways to bring job offerer
and job seeker together. He presses for reforms that will eliminate barriers
to competition, rigidity of wages, or restrictions on movements of people.
Social Man agrees only in part. He is for anything that will develop
the capacity of individuals to compete, but he is sometimes afraid that the
market might not produce the human results he would like to see. He would be
more inclined to intervene directly to accomplish what he wants.
You can see these tendencies in the following structural measures:
Training and education. Economic and Social Man both favor the development of
human capital, and this is, of course, the fundamental solution. Unfortunately,
past history is not particularly encouraging. Most of our experience with
organized job training programs has been government oriented. From 1963 through
1974 over 11% million people have enrolled in Federal Manpower projects such as
the Manpower Training and Development Act, the Neighborhood Youth Corps, JOBS,
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the Work Incentive Program, and the Job Corps, to name a few. The total
Federal cost of all these programs exceeds $14 billion. The proliferation
of these programs, which were often administered by competing sponsors,
produced a series of frequently overlapping and uncoordinated projects.
This led in 1973 to the passage of the Comprehensive Employment and Training
Act (CETA) which combined job training and public employment programs into
a single package. CETA places the responsibility for planning and implementing
manpower programs at the state and local government level, though the sponsors
are subject to Federal agency oversight.
Despite the lengthy experience with these programs, there has been very
little evaluation of their impact. Title V of CETA established a National
Commission for Manpower Policy which has broad responsibilities for assessing
training and development programs. Several studies have already been completed,
but we’re still a long way from understanding the relation between manpower
training and employment experience. What limited evidence exists generally
shows that government training programs have positive but rather small economic
effects. There is a desperate need for more research in this area to try to
identify which, if any, elements of training programs have been successful.
I think there is some danger that unsuccessful employment programs can have
costs beyond the dollars spent. I have in mind the possible social impacts of
raising and then disappointing expectations. After an individual devotes time
and energy to a training program, there had better be a job waiting if we are
to avoid the kinds of frustrations we saw in the 60s.
Even more frustrating to those who look for quick results is that it will
take a long time— perhaps generations— to make much progress by this route.
This is not to discourage it, but only to emphasize how much other measures
are needed in the shorter run.
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Minimum wage. This is anathema to Economic Man. In general, it imposes an
artificial price on labor and hinders free flow of supply and demand in the
marketplace. In particular, it makes it impossible for employers to hire
many teenagers and unskilled adults whose output is not worth the $2.30 an
hour minimum. Economic Man would abolish the minimum wage.
Unfortunately, the solution is not that simple. Social Man believes
that every worker deserves a decent wage. To allow firms to pay less than
$2.30 an hour is to encourage poverty. But there may be a way to reduce the
cost of hiring unskilled workers while still maintaining the guarantee of a
living wage. How? By a wage subsidy. One proposal is for the government to
issue vouchers to young people looking for employment. Firms could then
redeem these vouchers for perhaps 30 to 40 percent of the minimum wage, but
would be obliged to spend part of this sum on job training. This kind of
program reduces the minimum wage to firms, but doesn’t require young people
to bear all the burden. And the training presumably leads to a higher-paying
job and better job attachment. The wage-voucher training system could be com
bined with expanded counseling to advise young people where they can find the
work they want.
I am attracted to this and similar schemes, but I suspect they have only
an uphill chance of being adopted. Unions strongly resist removal of the
minimum wage as well as most wage-subsidy schemes mainly because they fear
that employers will hire unskilled workers at low wages to displace higher paid
experienced employees. The minimum wage is too deeply entrenched politically.
Public service jobs. This solution makes sense to Social Man. Since the economic
ills which produce unemployment are largely the responsibility of government, he
feels it is only right for government to act as employer of last resort.
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Moreover, there are so many things needed to be done— cleaning up our cities,
providing better housing, you name it— that the unemployed can be put to
productive social use.
Economic Man, however, has several problems with this solution. It en
larges the role of government. It is expensive in relation to results. It
could be hard to terminate when conditions improve. If the wage for public
service is set too high, it might simply pull workers out of the private
sector. And there is a real question whether the public service employee can
produce as much as he is paid; if not, the economy might not be any better
off than if he were unemployed. Finally, Economic Man wonders why it is
necessary to go to all the trouble and expense to pinpoint the creation of
jobs. Arthur Okun calls this the ,!penicillin-in-the-throat fallacy.” He
argues that "many political decision-makers who trust their doctors1 judgment
that a penicillin shot administered in the rear will indeed cure laryngitis,
do not trust the equally well-supported judgment of economists that fiscal
and monetary injections into the spending stream will cure unemployment. Hence
they prefer programs that directly and visibly create jobs without relying on
the circulation of any medicines through the economic system."
One variation that has been proposed is for anyone who loses his job to
be offered (after a short period under unemployment compensation) a public
service job at a wage considerably below the prevailing minimum wage. If he
refused, he would no longer be counted as "unemployed," and would be on his
own. This solution preserves the efficiencies and incentives of the market
yet provides a last resort job for those willing to accept it. Economic Man
might approve of it; Social Man would abhor it. In any case, its chances
politically are slim.
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On the whole, I have a lot of sympathy for Economic Manfs view of the
public service solution. As one brought up in the Keynesian tradition, I
have no hang-up about "leaf raking"; there are possibilities of temporarily
putting people to productive public use. But as a solution for chronic
unemployment for long periods I see difficulties. Massive public works are
a second best to a vigorous private sector and they are hard to start and
hard to turn off. So I see public service employment in limited amounts as
one of several answers, best used as a transition device to move workers into
private-sector jobs. In any case, I am not persuaded that it has as much
appeal as Social Man may think. I suspect the days when unemployed youth
could be recruited into the equivalent of the Civilian Conservation Corps
may be well behind us.
Solution #3: Sustain Incomes
What most sets today’s unemployment apart from that of the 1930s is the
fact that we now have several ways of sustaining peoples’ incomes in adversity.
Unemployment compensation is one of these. For many years it was regarded as
a good thing, one of the automatic stabilizers that helped keep the economy on
an even keel. Social Man sees it as a life saver and has been successful in
persuading legislators to make it progressively more liberal.
Economic Man, however, has problems with it. As presently administered
he sees it as a device that reduces the efficiency of the economic system. As
legislators have increasingly liberalized the benefits, he says, they have
reduced the incentive for the unemployed to look for a job. Some time for
search is good for efficiency and fair to the person out of a job, but too
much time is inefficient. Some preservation of income is only fair, but too
high a benefit makes it too attractive to stay unemployed. The "tax" on people
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going back to work is too great if they can get almost as much by staying
idle.
Various proposals have been made to remedy this situation. They in
clude shortening the period of benefits, requiring the individual to take
a job offered to him, and requiring him to undergo training. A proposal
more likely to be adopted is to make unemployment benefits taxable. As
things now stand, a person who is out of a job pays no tax, while a person
with a job and with the same income and family situation pays a tax. This
is not only inefficient but unfair.
Another proposition is to change the way in which employers contribute
to unemployment benefits. The present system subsidizes employers in highly
cyclical industries and thus increases the number of short-lived jobs. The
subsidy to cyclical industries stems from the way the compensation is presently
financed. Firms generally pay taxes on each employee at a rate determined by
a so-called "experience rating." This means that a firm’s taxes for jobless
benefits depend to a certain extent on its employment record. However, the
government sets a ceiling on the tax rate, so that no company ever pays more
than the 5 percent limit no matter how many employees it lays off. In fact,
once a firm reaches the ceiling it can increase its subsidy from other firms
by accelerating layoffs. Thus, the current system is neither efficient nor
equitable. The proposal is to go to a true experience rating with no floors
or ceilings so that every employer would be taxed just enough to cover the
benefits paid to his former employees.
My gut feeling is that Economic Man has a point. Unemployment insurance
probably does reduce incentives. Economists have tried to measure how much,
but they get differing results. So I would lean toward some adjustments such
as taxing benefits and perhaps changing experience ratings. But I would steer
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clear of drastic solutions (even assuming they had some chances politically)
and take some risk of impairing the efficiency of the system. I side with
Robert Solow who concludes that even if benefits increase unemployment some
what, it doesn’t necessarily follow that drastic changes should be made,
"any more than you would want to suppress a quick and painless cure for the
broken leg on the grounds that it would encourage some people to ski carelessly.”
Conclusions
A pessimistic view of how all this adds up is that each solution has severe
disadvantages. Monetary and fiscal policies can do only part of the job of
reducing unemployment because they run into the inflation problem. Training
and education take a long time. Operating on the minimum wage arouses severe
political opposition. Public service jobs are expensive and of limited feasi
bility. Liberalization of unemployment benefits would further impair efficiency;
if anything, minor changes should be in the other direction.
I prefer the optimistic view that action on all of these fronts will produce
some results. Ifm not so optimistic that I see a quick solution, but I don’t
believe we have yet marshalled all our forces effectively. Inevitably, we will
need to trade off equity against efficiency and so neither Social Man nor
Economic Man will be completely satisfied. But solving unemployment will
require their combined effort. Unemployment is too wasteful of human lives,
too prodigal of lost opportunities to call for anything less than our complete
attention.
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Cite this document
APA
David P. Eastburn (1977, January 10). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19770111_david_p_eastburn
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19770111_david_p_eastburn,
author = {David P. Eastburn},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1977},
month = {Jan},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19770111_david_p_eastburn},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}