speeches · December 9, 1975
Regional President Speech
John J. Balles · President
HOUSING AND THE NATIONAL ECONOMY
Remarks of
John J. Balles, President
Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco
Mortgage Bankers Association of Northern California
San Francisco, California
December 10, 1975
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Housing and the National Economy
I!m delighted to have the chance to discuss business and financial
trends with a group which plays such an important role in the state's
economy. In glancing over your association's brochure, I was impressed
with the description of the role of mortgage bankers, "as catalysts
between the sources of funds and the developers who translate drawings
into buildings/1 I was even more impressed with the figures which show
how well the industry has prospered in the difficult years of the past
decade, with servicing volume in the state rising from $14 billion to
$27 billion between 1967 and 1974 alone. With the housing market now
improving, I would expect this strong uptrend to continue.
My assignment today is to analyze the factors that will affect the
national economy--especially housing--during 1976. Right at the outset,
let me say that the recovery from the "worst postwar recession" is pro
ceeding on schedule. Yet, as always seems inevitable in such situations,
we will be faced for some time to come with the wreckage created by the
recession and the preceding inflationary excesses. It's been a field day
for financial-page headline writers. You know the list: W. T. Grant
down to its last five-and-dime; the airlines fast losing altitude; the
tanker industry on the rocks; the jerry-built REIT's being foreclosed;
and New York City desperately trying to sell Brooklyn Bridge.
But the dominant fact, to repeat, is that the recovery is in place,
with production, profits and employment rising substantially in recent
months. As we move into 1976, consumer spending, inventory stockpiling
and foreign purchases should help support the recovery, providing the
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basis for a relatively strong increase of percent in real GNP. But
what of the other sectors of the economy--especially the long-depressed
housing industry? Consider first where the industry stands today. During
the third quarter, residential construction outlays posted a healthy ad
vance in real terms, following a modest turnaround in the previous quarter
and the precipitous two-year slide before that. This increase in outlays
reflected a significant improvement in housing starts, which averaged
1.25 million units (annual rate) in the third quarter--and even higher
in October--in contrast to the average of 1 million units or less in the
first half of the year. According to my staff1s economic forecast, the
average level of starts next year might be one-third higher than the 1975
average--about 1.57 million starts, as compared to this yearfs estimated
1.18 million units. But these figures indicate that further increases
may be rather modest after the recent rise. This is understandable, in
view of the rather mixed nature of the statistics indicating the health
of the industry.
The Housing Outlook
To begin with, the inventory of unsold and uncompleted units remains
rather high. Despite the obvious improvement in home sales since last
spring, the inventory of unsold single-family housing has declined only
moderately to about 375,000 units, which represents an 8%-month supply
at recent sales rates. As for multiples, we lack precise information on
the unsold inventory--but we do know that starts of multi-family housing,
despite the recent upturn, are still only about one-third of the level
reached during the 1970-73 boom. And there are signs that the recovery
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in this sector may be rather slow, considering the reluctance of lenders
to finance the construction of condos, as well as the continued high level
of vacancies in the rental market.
Another important housing factor, the cost factor, has been improving
recently. Average construction prices stabilized during the third quarter,
reflecting some improvement in materials costs and (apparently) some reduc
tion in the size and furnishings of new units. Sales prices of new homes
also have levelled off, at about a $38,900 median, although the 9-percent
rise over the past year has outpaced the rise in household income. The
market in 1976 of course would benefit from a stabilization of home prices
and a continued rise in incomes, but some of this impact could be offset
by a continued rise in the overall costs of home ownership.
A more important question concerns the cost and availability of
credit--the lifeblood of housing. As you know, money has generally been
available this year, but at very high costs by historical standards. The
same may well be true in 1976. Although rates on FNMA commitments fell
by about 20 basis points in October, that decline offset only a part of
the 80-basis point increase that occurred during the third quarter,
leaving yields in this market at 9.32 percent in early November. And
no matter how attractive such high rates may be to investors, they cut
severely into the potential market for housing. For example, with the
last decade*s increase in mortgage rates from roughly 5% percent to 9%
percent, the monthly payment on a typical 30-year, $30,000 mortgage has
jumped by half, because of that factor alone.
The continuation of very high mortgage rates reflects the heavy
competition for funds in long-term markets and, above all, the lender’s
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demand for a substantial premium to offset the effects of inflation. I'll
say more about that subject in a minute. Nov, itfs true that the mortgage
industry has been veil able to compete for funds in the present environ
ment. Thrift institutions will probably garner a record inflow of savings
in 1975--probably more than $40 billion--and they could approach that
figure again in 1976. Even so, the competition for funds will probably
become stiffer over time, with corporations, state and local governments
and (above all) the Federal government all entering the market with very
heavy borrowing demands.
Government and Housing
Of course, support to the market will be available from various
Federal programs. Should the housing market falter during 1976, strong
pressures would arise in Congress to beef up such programs, adding to
the already massive Federal presence in the market. But there's a self-
defeating element in this approach. Federal programs can help housing
in the short-run, but in the long run they only exacerbate the industry's
basic problems. Housing activity always falters in periods of high and
rising interest rates, but rates are pushed up by the need to finance
soaring Federal deficits--which in turn are caused by increased govern
ment spending for housing and other purposes.
Federal government support has been a mainstay of the market for
over a generation; for instance, with FHA-insured and VA-guaranteed mort
gages accounting last year for 28 percent of total mortgage debt on one-
to-four family properties. But government support has burgeoned during
the past decade--a period which included the credit crunches of 1966,
1969 and 1973-74— with mortgage-loan holdings supported by various govern-
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ment agencies and programs increasing about 25 percent annually over this
period. Government and related agencies held 13 percent of the nation*s
outstanding residential-mortgage debt at the end of 1974, but in that one
year alone, they supported 54 percent of the entire loan increase.
The pressure for an increased government role is evident in the House
Banking Committee1s recent report on Financial Institutions and the Nation*s
Economy--the FINE study. Like the Hunt Commission of several years ago,
this study group is in favor of giving thrift institutions broader lending
powers and removing ceilings from their deposit rates, provided that the
assumption of such new powers is accompanied by acceptance of a common
set of rules and restrictions. For example, all Federally-insured de
positary institutions would have to meet reserve requirements on their
deposit liabilities, with all such reserves being held at the Federal
Reserve. As for housing, the FINE study*s authors go beyond the Hunt
Commission and argue that broadened powers would not be sufficient to
produce more money for the housing market--especially low-cost housing--
and that further incentives are needed.
One such incentive would be a mortgage-interest tax credit, availa
ble to any financial institution, but restricted to mortgages on prop
erties designed for low- and moderate-income owners and renters. A
second incentive would be the broadening of Home Loan Bank lending at
subsidized rates for low-cost housing, again available to any financial
institution. Furthermore, the Federal Reserve would be authorized to
provide reserve credits to all depository institutions involved in finan
cing low- and moderate-income housing. For each dollar of reserves held
at the Fed, each institution would receive a reserve credit equal to a
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fixed percentage of its dollar volume of mortgage and residential-construc-
tion loans. Under this credit-allocation scheme, low-cost housing would
have a preferred status over all other seekers of bank credit.
All of these Federal programs--present and proposed--only tend to
get the Federal government more deeply enmeshed in the operations of the
housing market. I would prefer to see a more direct attack on the basic
cause of housing's woes--the prolonged inflation of the past decade,
which has pushed market interest rates to unprecedented highs. Housing
is always the most sensitive sector in the economy to tight money and
high interest rates, since the level of the mortgage rate is much more
critical in limiting the ability of the home buyer to carry such debt
than is the interest rate on any other type of borrowing. The problem is
compounded by the fact that mortgage funds become not only expensive but
practically nonexistent during credit crunches, since the principal sources
of mortgage money find their own money flows drying up or turning nega
tive whenever short-term money rates rise above the ceiling rates that
they can pay investors. Part of the problem thus is the long-run inef
fectiveness of Reg Q ceilings, but the basic problem of course is inflation.
Government and Inflation
Our severe inflation problem has been attributed to many factors,
such as oil embargoes, food shortages, dollar devaluation, and price and
wage rigidities in concentrated industries. But the basic cause is the
long series of soaring Federal deficits and its impact on financial mar
kets. It's no accident that housing's problems, and the intensified
Federal efforts to support housing, have gone hand in hand with the in
tensified deficit spending of the past decade. The basic difficulty has
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been the failure of Federal budget-makers to find the funds to pay for
the growing responsibilities they have taken on, and it has been aggra
vated by the impact of inflation on many spending programs. The problem
threatens to swamp the new Congressional budget committees at the very
inception of their activities, but it is one which they must grasp and
bring under control.
More Federal spending would aggravate the pressures already evident
in financial markets, with unparalleled Federal demands piled on top of
gradually reviving private credit demands. This is the well-publicized
and all-too-real problem of "crowding out." It's true that financial
conditions normally ease substantially during a recession and remain
easy even in the initial recovery period. But with the Federal deficit
reaching $75 billion or more, total credit demands could outrun the
available supply of funds, forcing interest rates higher and crowding
many non-Federal borrowers out of the market. We've already had a sam
ple of what could happen with the third-quarter bulge in rates. Even with
the recent easing, Treasury bill rates still hover near 5% percent--
unusually high levels for this stage of the business cycle, and a portent
of disintermediation if credit demands quicken.
One way that mounting credit demands can be satisfied without an
increase in interest rates is for the Federal Reserve to accelerate the
growth of money and credit. But if done for too long, or to an exces
sive degree, such an action could generate inflationary pressures which
would soon become imbedded in the nation's price structure. Still, many
people reply, with so many idle resources in the economy, how could in
flationary pressures arise from easy money at this stage?
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The answer, at least in part, involves the lags in the effects of
monetary policy. Generally speaking, whenever an excessively easy-money
policy is adopted, the "good news" appears first, with production, em
ployment and profits expanding within six to twelve months or so--but
then the "bad news" arrives, in the form of increased inflation with a
lag of one to three years. Conversely, if a tight-money policy is
adopted, the bad news of a dampening of economic activity comes first,
whereas the good news of a diminished rate of inflation is delayed.
For this reason, the Federal Reserve at this stage of the business
cycle is strongly alert to price considerations. At the same time, it
is also strongly alert to the need to provide the financial basis for
continued recovery. In a word, we are determined to maintain a prudent
but not parsimonious monetary policy. This stance is seen in the mone
tary growth path that the Fed is attempting to follow between the third
quarter of 1975 and the third quarter of 1976--that is, a 5-to-7% percent
growth rate for the measure of the money supply (currency plus demand
deposits).
This range is quite appropriate in the present environment of high
unemployment and unused industrial capacity. On the other hand, it is
on the generous side by long-term historical standards. Thus, we could
endanger the fight against inflation if we continued expanding the money
supply indefinitely at today's specified pace. I might add that the
directors of the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco are fully alert
to this situation, since they view inflation as the nation's No. 1
problem. As the economy returns to higher rates of resource utilization,
we'll have to reduce the rate of monetary and credit expansion, in order
to lay the foundation for a prolonged era of prosperity without inflation.
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Concluding Remarks
To sum up, it appears likely that the economy will strengthen further
in 1976, on the basis of the improvement already evident in the consumer
and inventory sectors--and in residential construction as well. But as
I1vc indicated, housing may not be as strong a support as it has been in
earlier recovery period?-,* The housing boom of the early 1970/s has left,
as its legacy, both an overly high level of costs and an overly large
inventory of unsold units. The severe inflation of the past decade
meanwhile has left, as its legacy, a mortgage-finaneing mechanism that
is both overly subject to disintermediation and overly dependent on govern
ment support.
In 1976, we1re likely to see a gradual increase in the credit demands
of mortgage borrowers and other private borrowers. How the market handles
these demands depends critically on the size of the Federal deficit. Even
with the deficit held under Congressional target levels, there could be
periods of market congestion as the year goes on. The first task of pol
icymakers thus is to bring Federal credit demands under control. Other-
e, "crowding out" could become a painful reality--and we all know
-h industry would be the first casualty in that situation.
# # # #
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Cite this document
APA
John J. Balles (1975, December 9). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19751210_john_j_balles
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19751210_john_j_balles,
author = {John J. Balles},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1975},
month = {Dec},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19751210_john_j_balles},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}