speeches · July 16, 1975
Regional President Speech
John J. Balles · President
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF SAN FRANCISCO
Office of fhe President
DEVELOPMENTS IN WORLD BANKING
John J. Balles
President
School for International Banking
University of Colorado
Boulder, Colorado
July 17, 1975
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Developments in World Banking
I am delighted to be with you here in Boulder, participating in the
ABA’s very successful School for International Banking. It seems paradoxical
that we should be discussing world trade and finance at this spot, a
thousand miles from the ocean. But on second thought, it’s a tribute to
the ever-growing importance of this subject that a conference should be
devoted to it here in the midst of the American Heartland.
In my remarks I fll concentrate on some major problems of international
banking— especially from the regulatory side. But first, I would like to
comment on some developments in what might be called tfworld banking". To
my mind "international banking11 covers the standard financing of inter
national trade and investment, such as letters of credit, bank acceptances,
foreign-project loans, and so on—activities that have been part of the
banking tradition since the Renaissance. But by "world banking" I mean
the very recent phenomenon of bankers awakening to the potentials of world
wide operations—of viewing the world’s money and capital markets as a whole
in regard to the gathering and placement of funds. Whereas "international
banking" corresponds to the traditional importing and exporting activities
of ordinary manufacturing firms, "world banking" corresponds to the immensely
complex activities of multinational corporations. Regulatory changes in
the banking field must be assessed against this type of background.
World Banking and U.S. Banks
The progress of the new age of world banking is rather uneven. So
far, only a relatively small number of banks are conducting business on a
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truly worldwide scale. In fact, only forty to fifty of the world1s largest
banks are now doing so. But the total volume of their operations is so
large, and the advantages of flexibility that they possess are so great, that
we can no longer ignore the implications of their activities for banking
as a whole and for central banking in particular.
Foreign branch activities of the largest U.S. banks today account
for between one-third and one-half of their total business. First National
City, for example, has nearly one-half of its deposits located at foreign
branches, and other giants are not far behind. Moreover, U.S. banks
abroad engage in a wide range of nonbank as well as banking activities, in
contrast to their more restricted commercial-banking operations within our
own borders. The operational structure of these giants meanwhile reflects
the new realities. Bank of America, which used to relegate its inter
national activities to a single operating division, under a recent
reorganization has established a World Banking Division comprised of four
separate geographic groups to conduct its sharply expanding operations.
Central banks, as regulators of money and credit flows, have become
closely involved in the new era of world banking. At the monthly meetings
of the Federal Open Market Committee—such as the one I attended
this week—we are continually forced to deal with the impact of world
banking on domestic credit markets, on foreign-exchange markets, and on
the U.S. balance of payments. International developments have sometimes
dominated our discussions, such as during the devaluation crises of the
early 1970fs and the petrodollar crisis of the past year or so. Increasingly,
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central bankers have come to realize that national policies can no longer
be conducted in isolation from one another. In monetary policy and in
banking policy, we are forced to take into account the myriad interactions
among individual national developments, and to seek to minimize any incon
sistencies or conflicts.
I have become more and more involved in the international field in
the three years that I have served as president of the Federal Reserve Bank
of San Francisco. I have done so, not simply because of our general Fed
eral Reserve responsibility in this world-banking era, but also because of
a special responsibility we have on account of our Bank’s location. In the
past six or seven years, the West Coast has risen as an international finan
cial center, with a special interest in the Pacific Basin area. Our Bank
has a responsibility for keeping tab on developments in the Pacific Basin
countries, especially as those developments affect Western commercial banks
that are operating in that region.
Early last year I visited nine Pacific Basin countries on behalf of
the Federal Reserve System. On that trip I held over one hundred meetings
with foreign officials— including central-bank governors, finance ministers,
and economic planners— and also with local representatives of U.S. and
foreign banks. My purpose was to exchange views on our foreign-banking
legislation—a subject I T11 get to in a minute—but in addition, through
personal contacts to acquaint myself with foreign views on the role of U.S.
banks in their economies.
During my extended trip, I saw the expansion of American banks through
out the Pacific Basin as offering new opportunities as well as possible sources
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of conflict. I became convinced that U.S. banks have a great deal to
contribute if they learn to forego mere short-term gains and identify
their long-run interests with the host countries’ national aspirations.
More and more attention is being given to the operations of U.S. banks
abroad, and you111 be hearing more about this subject as current official
studies are completed.
But world banking is a two-way street, and foreign banks have emulated
the American example and spread rapidly throughout the U.S. market, especially
since the late 1960fs. Today more than sixty foreign banks conduct operations
inside the United States, with total assets in late 1974 of roughly $44
billion, compared with less than $7 billion in 1966. Admittedly, these
banks even today account for only about five percent of the U.S. banking
market. However, their rapid growth has raised a number of problems,
primarily because of the peculiarities of U.S. banking regulations. For
instance, our own banks are not allowed to branch interstate, but foreign
banks can freely enter a number of states by applying to the individual
state-banking authorities. As a nation, we have not had any overall policy
on foreign banks1 entry into our national market, but rather a patchwork of
widely varying state laws and regulations. The lack of any national authority
in this matter has also hampered the Federal Government in its negotiations
with foreign governments on behalf of U.S. banks abroad.
Principles Behind the Foreign Bank Act
For this and other reasons, the Federal Reserve has asked Congress for
legislation to bring the foreign banks operating in this country under
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effective Federal control. Our bill was first introduced in late 1974, and
then reintroduced in March of this year under the title of the Foreign Bank
Act of 1975. I don't propose to go into great detail on the provisions of
this legislation, but rather I prefer to discuss the reasoning which lay
behind the System’s proposal.
The legislation is the outgrowth of a two-year study by the Federal
Reserve System's Steering Committee on International Banking Regulation,
on which I served along with two other Federal Reserve Bank presidents and
three members of the Board of Governors. In developing this draft legisla
tion, members of the committee held discussions with foreign governments
and with a number of domestic and foreign banks, as I did on my Far Eastern
trip. As a result of our committee's work, we have developed a set of
principles which should serve as an appropriate long-term foundation for
this country's international banking regulations.
The present complex regulatory situation in this country stems from
a regulatory situation where individual states determine the entry rights
and powers of foreign banks. Almost all foreign subsidiary banks are
state-chartered, since national charters are unattractive to them for
various reasons. Branch and agency offices of foreign banks, which have
roughly four times the assets of foreign subsidiary banks, are also com
pletely under state control. They operate with state licenses rather than
charters, and since they are not considered banks, they do not come under
the Bank Holding Company Act.
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In addition, considerable variation exists among the individual states
in their treatment of foreign banks. New York and California grant consid
erable operational freedom, while Florida and Texas by statute forbid the
entry of foreign banks. Only ten states permit entry of any kind, and
the laws of the other forty states specifically prohibit entry or are silent
on this point.
This situation creates great difficulties in an era when the world’s
financial institutions are expanding rapidly and becoming increasingly
interdependent. No other major country allows foreign banks to operate
inside its borders without national regulation. The lack of a national
policy on foreign banking operations completely baffles many people who
are unfamiliar with the way we conduct our banking in this country— as I
can attest from my conversations with Asian central bankers. The Foreign
Bank Act is designed to establish the principle of national control over
the entry of foreign banks, while leaving room for the states to exercise
appropriate controls within the framework of the dual banking system.
Nondiscrimination— and Alternatives
Once the question of entry is settled, what ground rules should regu
late the operations of foreign banks? Our Steering Committee considered
several possible standards, but finally decided on the principle of "non
discrimination." This means that foreign banks would have the same privi
leges that are available to equivalent domestic banks in this country,
but no more privileges than that. Nondiscrimination would mean the
establishment of competitive equality between foreign and domestic banks.
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Some observers argue that we should go by the standard of "reci
procity 11—which implies "you treat me fairly and I fll treat you fairly
in return." The word has a pleasant sound. Who can be against reciprocity?
Who can be against fairness? In fact, reciprocity is a very slippery
concept which is subject to different interpretations.
One possible interpretation is the so-called "home-powers" standard,
which means that foreign banks can do the same things here that they do
at home. For instance, U.S. banks under this standard should be permitted
to offer personal-checking accounts in Japan, just as they do in this
country. Or as it was put to us, French banks should be able to offer
the same investment-banking and commercial-bank services in their New
York branches that they offer their customers in France. In this view,
just because the Glass-Steagall Act forbids U.S. commercial banks from
offering stockbrokerage services is no reason why French banks must
conform to peculiar U.S. views of banking.
As you can see, the home-powers rule would abdicate to another
country the choice of banking privileges open to its banks in the
United States. It is one thing to argue that France can combine invest
ment and commercial banking if that suits French financial customs,
but it is an entirely different matter to suggest that all French practices
are suitable for American banks. The home-powers standard interferes
with each country’s choice of banking practices, and thus should be
rejected.
A second unacceptable alternative is "quid pro quo," which means that
foreign banks in the U.S. should have only those powers which are extended
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to U.S. banks In their own country. This concept sounds plausible, but
again, it abdicates to another nation the decisionmaking for banking in
this country. Under this rule, a foreign bank's activity here would be
determined by foreign decisions and not by U.S. needs. I would argue
that the rights of foreign banks in this country should be determined by
the needs of the American financial system, and that their treatment of
our banks abroad is a separate question.
Reciprocity supposedly would force foreign countries to give our banks
more privileges, but it's a rather crude means of bringing about the re
sult. Indeed, even if a foreign country wanted to conform to this standard,
which of the individual state laws should it try to match? Proponents of
reciprocity probably hope that foreign countries would not reciprocate,
thus justifying restrictions on foreign banking operations in the U.S.
Two years ago in California I testified against state legislation of this
kind, arguing that it would simply eliminate foreign competition here and
would not help those California banks operating abroad. The real test of
the effectiveness of this approach as a means of forcing more liberal
foreign banking laws is the attitude of U.S. banks with foreign offices.
They are uniformly opposed because of the threat of retaliation— and in
any war of retaliation, we have more to lose, because our banking operations
abroad are much larger than foreign operations in this country. And of
course, any policy of competitive rataliation would work against the long
standing U.S. goal of removing unnecessary barriers to world trade and
finance.
Nondiscrimination, in contrast, is a good rule which can be applied
universally in the field of international banking regulation. Further-
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more, we think nonaiscrimination is such a good principle that our bill
gives the Federal government powers that would help in negotiations for
nondiscriminatory treatment. Each country would choose its banking
powers on the basis of what is most suitable for its own needs, and all
banks operating within its borders would then conform to those rules. Under
the principle of nondiscrimination, U.S. banks would not have special
privileges in any foreign country, but they would have rights similar to
those of domestic competitors in the host countries.
In practice, I would modify the principle to recognize differences in
the financial development of various countries. Unregulated entry of U.S.
banks in less-developed countries could swamp local financial institutions,
so in those countries we should accept policies aimed at strengthening
local institutions. But the general principle should still apply to
operations in the major industrial nations. Although the result would
be some expansion of foreign banks1 activities, we would still expect domestic
banks to dominate the financial scene in each country. French banks or
German banks, for example, would have permanent advantages in their own
countries that foreign banks probably could not overcome, and the same would
be true in the United States. The Foreign Bank Act would not affect the
present dominance of American-controlled banks in the U.S. banking system.
Reasoning Underlying the Bill
Nondiscrimination avoids the danger of competitive restrictionism, but
without giving foreign banks special privileges. Nondiscrimination does
not imply that U.S. banking laws are appropriate for other countries, or
that their laws are appropriate for us. On the other hand, it does
mean that foreign banks in this country should have roughly the same
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privileges as their domestic competitors. This basic principle runs
through all of our thinking on the Foreign Bank Act. Now let me illus
trate how this principle underlies all the major provisions of the Act.
Federal banking licenses. Since nondiscrimination is a form of
reciprocity, we must expect nondiscriminatory treatment of our banks
in other countries. Therefore, the Federal government should have
licensing powers here to encourage foreign countries to reduce their
own unreasonable restrictions. Let me emphasize again that at present
our bargaining power is weakened when the individual states control entry
but cannot effectively negotiate with foreign countries on behalf of
their own state-chartered banks. Only the Federal government can effect
ively negotiate with other countries, and in banking matters the bill
gives the Federal government a "club in the closet" to use if negotiations
are unsuccessful with foreign governments.
Specifically, the Federal government would be able to prevent the
establishment of new foreign-banking operations in this country. The
Act specifies that each new foreign bank or branch would require a
Federal banking license issued by the Comptroller of the Currency. The
Comptroller would consult with both the Federal Reserve and the Depart
ment of State in regard to each application. If after consultation,
the Secretary of the Treasury rules that approval of an application is
not in the national interest, the license would not be issued. This
is the club in the closet, and merely by being there, I hope its use
may be avoided.
Redefinition of branches and agencies as banks. To establish non
dis criminatory treatment in domestic operations, we redefine branches
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and agencies of foreign banks as "banks" for purposes of the Bank Holding
Company Act. Since these offices now hold no separate charters and are
thus not even regarded as banks, they presently escape those laws (state or
Federal) which prevent interstate expansion by domestic banks. But with
all foreign banks redefined as bank holding companies, entry into new
states would be prevented until the states involved give equivalent inter-
state-expansion powers to domestic banking organizations. At the same time,
foreign banks (as bank holding companies) would be able to open nonbank
subsidiaries across state lines in those fields of activity approved for
domestic holding companies. But a foreign bank entering this country for
the first time would find its new banking operations limited to one state,
and its branching or acquisition privileges also limited to that one state.
Federal branches and national bank charters. To establish nondis-
criminatory treatment for foreign banks, we offer them the option
already available to domestic banks of operating under either state or
Federal law. The Federal Reserve bill would allow as many as one-third
of a national bank’s directors to be foreign citizens, thus increasing
the attractiveness of national-bank chartering. The bill would offer Federal
branch status as a separate alternative, with each Federal branch having
the same powers as a national bank except that its lending power would be
based on the parent bank’s capital. (Internationally, most banking
operations already are conducted through branches of the foreign parent and
not through locally-chartered subsidiary banks.) Some state banking
supervisors have opposed this provision, partly because of fear of losing
foreign banks from their jurisdictions. But I can’t see why defenders of
the dual-banking system for domestic banks would oppose the application of
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that system to all banks. Nondiscrimination implies that foreign banks,
like domestic banks, should have the freedom to choose between Federal
and state status.
System membership and other provisions. The Foreign Bank Act would
make Federal Reserve membership compulsory for all foreign-controD1 ed batiks
(including branches and agencies) whose worldwide assets are $500 million
or more. The object here is to :1~\ ^<?e the same type of controls in the
U.S. that most foreign central banks exercise over U.S. banks’ foreign
operations—and also to insure that any future growth of the foreign
banking sector in this country does not erode domestic monetary control.
The $500-million cutoff point was chosen to insure competitive equality,
because most domestic banks of that size or larger are already System
members. Foreign banks thus would gain the privileges of membership b" "
would also take on the reserve-requirement burden carried by similar U.S.
banks. In addition, the principle of nondiscrimination underlies the pro
visions allowing foreign branches and agencies to gain FDIC in^nrance, and
giving foreign banks the right to form Edge Act corporations. The latter
provision gives foreign banks an important opening into interstate operations,
since their activities traditionally are concentrated in the international-
banking field.
Grandfather rights. This raises the question not only of nondiscrimina
tion, but also of legislative tradition and international law. I grant lat
liberal grandfather rights would confer advantages on foreign banks, pri
marily in confirming their interstate operations. However, our tradition is
to grandfather existing rights whenever we change banking laws. Under the Bank
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Holding Company Act of 1956, some domestic holding companies were allowed
to keep their existing interstate banking networks, and under the 1970
amendments to that Act, similar provisions covered nonbank subsidiaries.
Since the interstate offices of foreign banks were established in con
formity with existing law and in good faith, the same precedent should
apply.
The Foreign Bank Act would grandfather all branches and agencies
brought under the Bank Holding Company Act and in existence on December
3, 1974, the date the bill was first sent to Congress. These offices
would retain any existing rights to expand under state law, and a
shift to Federal status would not affect such rights. Securities
affiliates of certain European banks would also be grandfathered, but
without provision for additional offices.
Grandfathering, I should add, would remove any possibility of
violation of our international treaty obligations, and for this and
other reasons, would reduce foreign governments’ objections to our
bill. Most governments probably would prefer the status quo, but
they’re willing to withdraw their objections to our bill provided
that existing banking and securities operations are protected. The
proposed grandfather clause appears to avoid the possibility of
retaliation that is always a danger when new legislation affects other
countries.
Concluding Remarks
To conclude, the new era of world banking requires new regulatory
approaches to govern the ever-expanding flows of money and goods across
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international borders. No longer can the individual states, by themselves,
govern such an important sector of our financial system. The Foreign Bank
Act has been carefully constructed to equalize competitive treatment
of foreign banks in the United States without generating unwelcome
restrictions on U.S. banks' foreign operations. Moreover, the bill is
designed to increase our government's bargaining power in international
banking negotiations. In your future consideration of this subject, I
hope you remember why we adopted some approaches and rejected others
in drafting this piece of legislation. Your analysis of the principles
underlying this bill will, I hope, result in your support.
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Cite this document
APA
John J. Balles (1975, July 16). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19750717_john_j_balles
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19750717_john_j_balles,
author = {John J. Balles},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1975},
month = {Jul},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19750717_john_j_balles},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}