speeches · February 14, 1973
Regional President Speech
Bruce K. MacLaury · President
Address by
Bruce K. MacLaury, President
Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis
To the Lake Superior Chapter, BAI
Duluth, Minnesota, February 15, 1973
The president of the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis has a
great privilege In representing an Institution that serves a vast geo
graphic region. Yet, I suppose some people might visualize the job of
the Fed president as sitting In Minneapolis pondering monetary policy,
pure and simple. But to do that would, In my opinion, be to miss most of
the fun of the job. For what other kind of job can give you responslbl1Itl
in an area that spans from Montana to Michigan. Most important, part of
those responsibilities dictate that I should try to become acquainted with
the territory and Its economy. Where else can you get paid for that kind
of interesting education, and this trip to Duluth Is an Informative and
pleasurable part of my education. I can't represent you as bankers and
as people without knowing something about you, and I know It Is trite to
say, but It Is indeed a privilege to have a chance to come, shake hands,
get acquainted and learn.
I hope you will Indulge me If I look upon this group as, In a
sense, part of the family. The Bank Administration Institute Is a great
institution; I have had a chance to talk to a number of chapters in the
past. I applaud the efforts that are put Into these meetings to make them
go; the education derived from them makes them and the organization very
worthwhile indeed.
I'd like to talk about the trouble with the federal budget. It
might be a trite old subject, but we're hearing a lot about It these days.
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We are having a good deal of political acrimony, or at least dialogue be
tween Congress on the one hand and the President on the other, as to who
can do what to whom so far as expenditures are concerned.
Charlie Schultz, Director of the Budget during the Kennedy-
Johnson Administration and now at the Brookings Institution In Washington,
Is, I suppose, one of my heroes. He publishes a book, or he oversees
publication of a book each year dealing with the federal budget. The
current Issue Is called National Priorities, the 1973~197^ Budget. It's
not easy reading, but It Is an awfully well analyzed work and Is non
partisan. It represents a lot of work by Schultz and he brings a lot
of first-hand budget experience to the analysts. He has quite probably
devoted more attention to the subject than any other person. I recently
heard him repeat something from last year's Issue of this document, and
I'd like to relate a few of the thoughts because I think they add up to—
In my view—an explanation you don't see everyday In the newspapers.
First of all, If the budget Is In trouble there are usually a
number of reasons. One of them Is that the United States can no longer
count on a perpetual economic upswing (such as we are now In) to generate
Income tax receipts for the government sufficient to cover Increases In
expenditures. In effect, In the past we had It easy (Insofar as paying
taxes Is ever easy). We had Increases In budget receipts year after year
without Increases In tax rates. We could finance existing programs and also
could, In fact, add programs year by year, and not Increase taxes.
We have run out of those happy, good times, and one of the chief
reasons for this change of circumstance (no longer a free ride, If you will,
from the upswing in the economy) Is that the very size of federal programs
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has Increased so much over recent years. I don't want to bore you with
a lot of numbers—but I'd Ifke to try to give you some sense of the dimen
sions of the problem without confounding you with statistics.
It's mainly been the growth of social programs, the so-called
Great Society programs (I use that phrase not In a partisan sense). The
defense component of our federal budget has In fact been declining, not
In dollar terms but as a proportion of the total federal budget. In
1963—ten years ago—the defense budget was a little over half of total
federal outlays. This fiscal year, It's down to about a third of the
total federal budget. Thus, defense outlays, for all our outcries (and
perhaps legitimate outcries) have been declining as a proportion of total
federal expenditures over this period.
On the other hand, Great Society programs, the social programs
so to speak, have been rising rapidly. Again, using the ten-year
period 1963-1973—they rose from two percent of the total budget, which
In 1963 was $2 billion, to about 14 percent this year, or some $35 billion.
Now where did all that money go? About $20 billion of that $35 billion
was spent on goods and services, primarily for low-lncome groups Including
expenditures for housing subsidies, Medlcare-Medlcald, food stamps, student
loans, etc. You can name your own programs; you are familiar with them.
But they were programs to deliver goods and services to the people. The
other $15 to $16 billion of the total $35 billion was made up of grant pro
grams, primarily to state and local governments—waste treatment plants,
community health development plans, mental health, urban planning, man
power training, etc. You name it, It was there.
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Costs of these programs have risen rapfdly, not just as a pro
portion of the budget but also as a proportion of our total GNP output.
How much? Well, In the last three years (fiscal years 1971~1973) civil
ian- type programs, including the Great Society programs already mentioned,
have been growing twice as fast—more than twice as fast—as they were
as little as ten years ago. There was a nine percent year-by-year rate
of growth In social programs during the last three years, compared with
a four percent rate of growth in social programs ten years ago, so that
as of today these social programs (so-called nondefense) constitute about
13-1/2 percent of our total GNP output, as opposed to nine percent as
little as seven years ago.
1 cite these numbers simply to illustrate the fact that these
social programs, which we have bought for ourselves, now bulk much larger
in the total of our budget, in the total of our economic output. As you
can see, a rate of growth of let's say even five percent in these kinds of
outlays means much more In the way of dollars today than It meant ten years
ago.
Our tax receipts have not kept pace with this kind of Increase. In
fact, federal taxes of all sorts have been reduced markedly over the last
ten years—I'm talking about corporate taxes, personal income taxes, fed
eral excise taxes. If we had the same tax rates at the federal level today
as we had In 19<>3, federal revenues would be up $45 billion. Our total tax
bite has been going up because state and local taxes have been going
up, filling In the gap as federal tax rates decline. It's not as though
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we as citizens are paying less of our income for taxes—we're probably pay
ing more—but federal taxes have in fact declined over this ten-year base.
Not only have our programs grown, but our tax base In this sense has de
clined. No more free rides.
What about the programs themselves? In the last few weeks since
the President's budget message we've heard a lot about the ineffectiveness
of federal programs. Well, Charlie Schultz makes the following point, and
I think it's valid: that we have come to expect a whole lot more from our
federal expenditures in terms of the kinds of programs we are asking for
today than we did as little as ten or twenty years ago. What do I mean?
Well, if you go back to the 1930s, you're talking about security—minimal
programs where the federal government doled out dollars and that was the
end of It.
What about today? We are asking our federal government to pro
vide us a whole new range of programs for which It was not conceived and
for which It has not done a very great job. The point that Schultz makes
is that If we Judge these programs to be a failure we have got to under
stand that we are judging them by standards we never before applied to the
federal budget. I'm not trying to argue that they are successes. On the
contrary, many of the programs the President Is at the moment trying to
cut are Ineffective. But I want to emphasize that we are using a whole
new set of standards to judge what we expect of the federal government.
If we say that these programs are not great successes, one and
all, then what can the federal government do well? As In the 1930s the
one thing that It can do well Is pass out money. It started out In that
business with veterans' benefits and social security, and It still can
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wfth the Increased social security benefits, and with some welfare pay
ments pass out money efficiently. You just sign the checks, they go
through the mall, they arrive and, by golly, the money Is In the hands,
hopefully, of the right people. Another kind of thing the federal
government can do Is to provide essential kinds of services; here I'm
thinking of health Insurance, for example, realizing as I say the word,
that Is It not without controversy In Itself. The government can provide,
for example, supplementary financing for education In the form of student
loans—again passing out money, If you will. It can pass out money In the
form of revenue sharing and It can do this efficiently. It can give out the
money and the money gets spent, and by that kind of criterion It does the
job well. In another area It can compensate for failures of the market
pricing system. While we still believe the marketplace Is the best allocator
of resources, whether It's credit from your bank or goods and services, we've
come more and more to focus on Its deficiencies. For example, costs of
pollution control are not acknowledged by the pricing system; effluents from
a manufacturing plant have not In the past been charged to that plant, but
rather to society as a whole, In terms of reduced water quality. We're
changing that, and the federal government can do something about It with
effluent taxes. It can Improve the allocation of resources where In some
instances the market price system has failed.
What can be done if we are In this kind of financial bind and we
know, or think we know, what the federal government can do well? Schultz
describes three alternatives (1) He describes the "Nixon approach" as cutting
and cutting sharply the growth of programs or even whole programs In the
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social area, and that's It. (2) The second approach Is what he calls Con
gressional reaction—that Is to march right back to the White House and say
"put all those same programs right back; they are the programs we need and
you, Mr. President, are Impounding these funds without the right to do so
and we're going to Insist that you spend that money." This approach takes
us right back to where we were; It disregards the fact that some of these
programs were not achieving their objectives. (3) The epitome of the
Schultz approach (and you can guess that this Is the best one from his point
of view) is neither of the first two alternatives; you don't cut social pro
grams and let It go at that; nor do you put them all back the way they were.
Instead, Schultz would take a three-pronged approach—first, make most of
the cuts the President Is advocating In his budget In these social programs.
As a former budget director for a Democratic Administration he hazards the
guess that perhaps 80 percent of those cuts ought to be made. (I think that
Is an Interesting nonpartisan, or bipartisan If you will, commentary on the
Issue.) Second, don't stop there, he would argue. He suggests there Is $5
billion or so In the defense budget that can be cut without hurting the
defense posture of the United States. Third, Schultz would press for tax
reform, which, he argues, would yield some new revenue dollars. All right,
If we can get dollars by cutting social programs, by cutting the defense
budget and by increasing revenues through tax reform, what are we going to do
with them? Schultz suggests that you focus these saved dollars on things
the government can do well. It's all very well to list as national priorities
those things which we need most, says Schultz, but we also need to but draw
up a parallel list of what things government—at various levels—can do well.
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It doesn't make much sense to address all our budget resources to priority
number one If the federal government does a miserable job accomplishing
priority number one, whatever that particular priority Is. Rather, we
should concentrate resources on the national priorities we think the federal
government can accomplish well.
Schultz lists those national priorities that he and, Incidentally,
I think the federal government can accomplish well:
(1) Health Insurance—Including a viable system for poverty-level
people combined with a new and more effective system of delivery of health
care. Also Included Is disaster health insurance for all people—rich, poor,
middle-income. We all know of extreme Instances In which families have been
forced to sell their homes to pay medical expenses. There ought to be—and
the Nixon Administration has proposed—some sort of relief for this family
disaster.
(2) Welfare reform. I won't pursue this in detail, but I think
there has been enough bipartisan argument on the issue to believe there
is a case for radically changing the present system.
(3) Educational opportunity—expenditures on equalization of
opportunity in education.
(k) Central cities—not particular programs, says Schultz, because
the federal government shouldn't decide which particular program a par
ticular central city needs, but the government does need to target general
revenue sharing funds Into these central city areas more than Is presently
done.
These kinds of priorities for our federal budget resources offer
promise of greater effectiveness and efficiency.
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There Is another worry In this whole area of troubles with the
federal budget—the Congress Itself and Its budgeting process. A lot of
the dialogue we1re getting—mutual recrimination between the executive
and the legislative branches—is a reflection of the fact that Congress
itself is not in control of its own house, so to speak. That condition
appears to be recognized by Congress and they are attempting reforms.
You've probably read that there is a joint committee at work to set up
budget committees In both the Senate and the House, to oversee the total of
expenditures rather than having authorization committees and appropria
tions committees approving cost-Incurring programs one after another
sequentially and never bothering to add up the total until It's too late.
To describe it is, I hope, to point out the absurdity of that approach.
Yet if one Is head of an appropriations committee or particular Congressional
committee and sees his power being eroded by an overall look, It's obvious
why reform doesn't come easy.
One final point: federal budget cutting can hit home. As I recently
read through the annual report of the Arrowhead Regional Development Com
mission, I was struck by the number of programs the Nixon Administration
is proposing to not fund In the coming year that are the mainstay of Com
mission work In northeastern Minnesota. We are forced to recognize that
what they In Washington are doing to the budget they are also doing to u£
as well as to others.
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Cite this document
APA
Bruce K. MacLaury (1973, February 14). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19730215_bruce_k_maclaury
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19730215_bruce_k_maclaury,
author = {Bruce K. MacLaury},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1973},
month = {Feb},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19730215_bruce_k_maclaury},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}