speeches · November 9, 1972
Regional President Speech
David P. Eastburn · President
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.THE FuTURE ROLE OF INTEREST RATES IN OPEN MARKET'POLICY
BY
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DAVID P. EASTBURN
Pr~sident, Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia
F·ederal
Reserv~ Ban~
of
Philadelphia
L'IBRARY
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before the
.. SOUTHERN ECONOMIC ASSOCIATION
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and
SOUTHERN FINANCE ASSOCIATION
Washington Hilton Hotel
Washington, D. C.
November 10, 1972
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THE FUTURE ROLE OF INTEREST RATES IN OPEN MARKET POLICY
There must be some significance in the wide disparity between
the way economists and politicians view interest rates these days.
Economists, as they move increasingly to the monetarist view, have become
inclined to assign a diminishing role to interest rates in.monetary policy.
Politicians, reflecting, I believe, the man-in-the-street view, attribute
considerable importance to interest rates and tend to distrust a monetary
policy that promotes high rates.
Like most generalizations, this one is subject to many exceptions.
Yet it helps to explain why the future of interest rates in open market
ro~e
policy is a matter of some significance. Even though some economists are
inclined to write off that future as a dim one, policy makers cannot do
this so readily.
The role of interest rates in our society has had a long and
~
checkered history. Many social and political conflicts have revolved around
interest rates as a symbol dividing the haves and the have-nots. The
establishment of the Federal Reserve System, and particularly its form of
organization, was influenced by attitudes toward interest rates and the control
over them. To a considerable extent, the history of the Fed can be told in
its changing attitudes toward interest rates.
In approaching the question of the future role of interest rates,
therefore, I want to take a moment to sketch these shifting views in the
Federal Open Market Committee since World War II. Although it might appear
that the process has been one of fashionable surges and declines in the role of
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interest rates, this is not the case. The FOMC has changed its thinking
in a logical progression of steps set in motion by an historical event-
World War II--and two intellectual upheavals--the Keynesian and the
monetarist revolutions.
Changing Views of Rate Control in·Postwar·America
During World War II and for several years afterward, the FOMC
abandoned a countercyclical monetary policy for stability of Government
bond prices. This era marked the peak of the Committee's concern for
interest rates and still stands as an object lesson of the dangers of
placing complete emphasis on stable interest rates.
So strong was this lesson, in fact, that not long after the
1951 Accord between the Treasury and the Fed, the FOMC moved to a "bills
only" policy which, in its extreme form, denied that monetary policy should
attempt to influence the level or pattern of interest rates.
At about the same time, forces within the Fed spearheaded an early
counterattack on the Keynesian view that monetary policy could be relatively
ineffective in countering cyclical swings in economic activity. The argument
went this way. Even if it were true, as the Keynesians said, that aggregate
demand is insulated from the effects of rising and falling interest rates,
aggregate expenditures can be influenced by changing credit availability.
As time moved on, not only were there opportunities to observe
some of the shortcomings of fiscal policy as a countercyclical tool, but
there were opportunities to study the extreme Keynesian view that monetary
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policy was ineffective. Econometric evidence began to accumulate that
aggregate demand is not impervious to credit market conditions in general
and interest rates in particular.
Through the early 1960's, a modified Keynesian view began to
emerge in the FOMC that monetary policy could work to reduce business
cycles and that this goal could best be achieved by influencing interest
rates and other money market Moreover, during the period some
cond~tions.
of the early bad taste of pegging interest rates began to fade. By about
the mid-sixties, a concern for interest rates and money market conditions
was again dominating the Committe~~s thought process.
Just at this time, however, the monetarist response to Keynesian
economics was gaining respectability and monetarism was beginning to have
an impact on FOMC policy. The monetarist view, of course, represented a
challenge both to Keynesian economics and to interest rate policies. In
the monetarist counterattack lay the seeds for the second postwar decline
in the prestige of interest-rate control. This time, however, the decline
has been neither as rapid nor as complete as the one we saw in the fifties.
Views in the FOMC have gradually shifted away from a countercyclical
policy based on interest rates toward one based on control of the aggregates.
The rapid growth in credit and monetary of early 1966 precipitated
-~ggregates
the so-called proviso clause in the _Committee's directive to the Open Market
Desk. By this device, the Committee, for the first time, instructed the
Manager of the System Open Market Account to keep an eye on monetary
_aggreg~tes
as well as money market conditions.
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In March of 1970, the Maisel committee on ways to improve the
operations of the Open Market Committee completed its report. This report
leaned to a further move in favor of an aggregate policy. Although it has
not been adopted, the FOMC, earlier this year, agreed on a reserve target
designed to help achieve greater control over the monetary _aggregates.
The precise measure selected was reserves availa.b le to support private
deposits. The experiment with RPD's calls for the Manager of the Desk to
seek tighter control over that aggregate and by implication allows for
somewhat more fluctuation in interest rates.
But it still leaves considerable scope for concern with interest
rates: To a large extent the current dilemma of the FOMC is to determine
the precise role of interest rates in a world which recognizes the importance
of monetary aggregates.
Present and Future Roles of Interest.Rate ·Policies
As the Committee gropes for an answer to this dilemma, it may find
a variety of reasons for giving interest rates a prominent place in its
deliberations, including:
1. Interest rates can potentially be used to help control
the monetary aggregates.
2. Interest rates can be used as a stepping stone to
countercyclical goals.
3. Interest-rate control can be used to stabilize credit
markets.
4. Interest rates can, from time to time, enter directly
~ a goal of economic policy.
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How the FOMC comes out on these issues will determine the role and direction
of interest-rate policy in the future.
Interest Rates and Control of the Aggregates.
Control of monetary aggregates such as M M _is not a trivial
1 an~ 2
problem. As a practical matter, the Open Market Committee has direct
short-term control only over its own portfolio (or some closely related
aggregate such as reserves) and interest rates. Its influence on the money
stock must therefore proceed indirectly through the size and mix of the
System open market portfolio, through interest rates, or through some
combination of the two.
From a purely theoretical standpoint, therefore, interest rates
might be a useful bridge to the money supply. The Open Market Committee has
discussed this possibility, but I think most members believe that they can
influence the broad monetary aggregates most successfully by targeting narrow
aggregates such as reserves or RPD's and not interest rates.
This view to some extent on evidence accumulated
~ests te~tative
by staff economists in the System, but mostly it is based on the Committee's
experience in recent years. On several occasions, members of the Committee
have felt in retrospect that they lost control of the aggregates because of
excessive concentration on interest rates. Looking into the future, therefore,
my guess is that the Committee will continue to try to influence the aggregates
through reserves rather than through interest rates.
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Interest Rate Control and Countercyclical Monetary Policy
The future role of interest rates will depend, secondly, on
where the Federal Open Market Committee comes out on the question of
rates vs. aggregates in achieving its countercyclical goal. As I have
said, the FOMC has switched from a strategy that relied almost exclusively
on money market conditions to a strategy that recognizes value in both
the aggregates and money market conditions.
The Committee has adopted an essentially eclectic position for
two reasons. First, as a group it does not believe that the state of the
economic arts allows a clear choice between the two. Some members tend
to lean in one direction, some in the other, but few are entirely
convinced of either view.· Second, there is a general belief among
Committee members that the economy and the policy problem are too complex
to yield to simple either/or choices made once and for all. The Committee
would rather keep its options open.
As I look ahead, I see that the inroads made by the monetary
aggregates into countercyclical policy will be permanent. In fact, the
Committee probably is prepared to push control of the aggregates further
if the current experiment with RPDr~ turns out to be successful. But I
have difficulty seeing the FOMC going all the way to make the aggregates
the sole guide to countercyclical policy.
Interest Rates and Credit Market Stability
The role of interest rates in the future will depend, thirdly,
on the importance of a long-standing goal of policy: stability of the
credit market •..
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This is one of the most controversial goals of the central
bank. On the one hand, it has been attacked as an unnecessary subsidy
to dealers in the credit market at best, and a cause of economic
instability at worst. On the other, it has been supported as the first
line of defense against financial panics, essential for the maintenance
of efficient credit markets,and a crucial contributor to smooth Government
debt operations.
The validity of each of these points has been debated widely,
and time does not allow a review of them in detail here. I believe the
FOMC would agree that it has an important obligation to preserve some
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degre7 of stability in the credit market. Certainly, it sees as one of
its responsibilities the avoidance of cumulative financial distress such
as that threatened at the time of the Penn Central bankruptcy. Whether
it would see stabilization of the credit market as always consistent
with its other goals is more difficult to say.
On a day-in-day-out basis, fostering stability in credit
markets generally means providing smooth and orderly movements in
interest rates. It is possible, of course, to minimize very rapid
day-to-day swings in interest rates while providing sufficient month-
to-month movement to achieve other goals, especially those involving
the monetary aggregates. A trade-off between interest rates and .::
aggregates develops only when interest-rate stabilization extends over
long periods of time. The danger is that a policy aimed essentially at
smoothing day-to-day rate movements will tend to drag on into weeks and
perhaps even months at the expense of other objectives. This danger is
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compounded by the fact that policy is ordinarily made by a series of
fairly short-run decisions. Unless longer-run goals are constantly in
mind, stabilization of interest rates can get in the way of other
countercyclical objectives.
Interest Rates as an Ultimate Goal of Policy
A fourth determinant of the role of interest rates in monetary
policy will be how they enter directly into society's or the Government's
utility function. A special case today is the relationship between
interest rates and direct controls. A legitimate case can be made on
equity grounds that when some income receivers are restricted, earners
of interest income should not be allowed off the "control hook." This
argument, taken by itself, leads many to believe that increases in interest
rates--as well as wages, prices, and dividends--should somehow be limited.
The problem, of course, is twofold. If the attempt is to
restrict increases in interest rates in general by an expansive monetary
policy, the result can not only be inflationary but also self-defeating as
inflation premiums themselves push up interest rates. If the attempt is
to limit increases in specific kinds of interest rates, the result can be
a misallocation of resources among various uses of credit.
The Committee on Interest and Dividends has recognized both of
these dangers. In an early statement of policy, its Chairman stressed
the need for flexibility of interest rates for countercyclical purposes.
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Arbitrary attempts to control interest rates,
either in selected areas or for the economy as
a whole, must be rejected as inefficient,
inequitable and, in the end, unworkable for
all concerned.*
The Committee also has made clear that its efforts to hold down specific
kinds of rates are directed toward making the credit market more flexible
and effective as an allocator of funds and resources.
Nevertheless, the strong political and social overtones
implicit in'the public's attitude toward interest rates place the FOMC in
a potentially difficult position in a period of direct controls. The
FOMC must clearly take into account these political'and social
considerations in deciding on the most appropriate policy to follow with
respect to interest rates. The Federal Reserve does have an obligation
to be as responsive and sensitive as possible to national economic goals
as reflected in Government policy.
The danger comes in the temptation to see every period as
somehow special and somehow worthy of abandoning long-run goals of
economic policy. To adopt such an attitude uncritically could lead to
abandonment of the responsibilities of a central bank as one "special"
period blends into the rest.
* Arthur F. Burns' testimony before Committee on Banking and Currency,
House of Representatives, November 1, 1971, p. 19.
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Conclusion
So, in conclusion, what is the likely future role of interest
rates in monetary policy?
In recent years the FOMC has tended to concentrate its actions
more heavily on the monetary aggregates. It has not, however, been
willing to move to the extreme of abandoning interest-rate policies
entirely, nor is it likely to do so.
The aggregates seem to be firmly entrenched as a tool of
countercyclical policy and may make further inroads. Countercyclical
policy, however, is not the Fed's only goal. Two other important ones
are credit market stability and, from time to time, interest rates
themselves.
Speaking for myself, I continue to see countercyclical goals
as the Fed's primary responsibility over the long haul~ I would not,
however, be willing to reject other important goals of policy. The
problem will be in choosing when and for how long to yield temporarily on
countercyclical targets in favor of other legitimate goals.
DPE-11/9/72
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Cite this document
APA
David P. Eastburn (1972, November 9). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19721110_david_p_eastburn
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19721110_david_p_eastburn,
author = {David P. Eastburn},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1972},
month = {Nov},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19721110_david_p_eastburn},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}