speeches · October 9, 1972
Regional President Speech
Bruce K. MacLaury · President
E C O N O M I C R E A L I T I E S
Remarks by
BRUCE K. MacLAURY
President
Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis
at
The American Bankers Association
Convention
Dal las
October 10, 1972
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ECONOMIC REALITIES
Questions...nagging questions...inequities...dilemmas...
problems...problems...more problems. Why don't they go away and
leave me alone? I didn't create the problems, after a11 - -1 didn't
create people with different color skins, or invent the assembly
line, or vote to raise taxes, or anything! Yet every day some
body's trying to tell me it's my fault that I'm polluting, or
using up more than my share of resources, or ignoring the plight
of the poor, or...I don't know, you name it. Well, I'm damn sick
of it--being made to feel guilty for things I can't do anything
about! Or wasting my time worrying about problems that even the
experts can't agree on.
Just look at this, will you? I come down here to Dallas
to have a good time at the convention, see some old friends, maybe
learn a little--and what do they do? They bust my head with more
problems--in technicolor yet--as though I didn't get enough of that
stuff on the tube back home. Besides, I've got my own problems.
Like how I'm going to get two kids through college at the same
time, or keep that old geezer's deposit with the rates I can afford
to pay, or get that sour loan back on track. It may not sound like
big-time stuff to those policy boys, but it sure doesn't leave
me much time to worry about other peoples troubles. Besides, if
everybody took care of his own back yard, we wouldn't have all
these other problems to worry about in the first place. I do
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what I can anyhow to help my own community, and that's all anyone
can ask.
Maybe. Maybe that's right. The question, I guess, is
what is "our own community?" I believe most of us are honest
when we say we'd go out of our way to try to helD a neighbor in
trouble. In the past, our neighbors--our community, if you will--
were the folks on the block, or down the street. We knew them
personally and we did what we could to see that they got along all
ri ght.
Somehow, though, our community has grown. It's no longer
just the folks on the block--it's the folks across the tracks, the
folks in the big cities, the folks on the other side of the world.
They were always there, of course, but we didn't have to confront
their needs. Even now, we can't know many of them personally, and
even if we could, we wouldn't personally be able to do much about
their problems. But we can't ignore them either.
So we try to create organizations--some private, like
foundations and charities; other public, like the various levels
of government--to cope with the problems that are too big for us
to deal with as individuals. But these organizations, more often
than not, simply add to our sense of frustration. They gobble up
our money through donations or taxes, and the problems we hoped
they would solve seem bigger than ever.
Partly this frustration simply reflects the fact that
"problems" seem to be infinite. It's not that we never solve any
problems; it's just that there are always more once the first set
is "solved." Moreover, since most of us in this room are on the
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upper ridges of the economic pyramid, and the pyramid keeps rising,
the gap between us and our neighbors in terms of material goods
keeps increasing.
The fact is that our perception of the world around us--
our expanded community and its problems--has increased more rapidly
than our ability to devise institutions and organizations to deal
with the problems. This intensified perception is partly the result
of technological advances in transportation and particularly in
communications. As has been pointed out so many times, the world
is now in our living room, in living color, and it isn't all beauti
ful travelogs. In addition, a generation of youth--our kids--has
literally been traveling to the other side of the tracks around
the world, coming back, and telling it like it is. So, it's not
that the problems themselves have become more numerous, or bigqer,
or more intractable, but rather that we now see them more often,
and more clearly, and with much greater personal impact.
Now we might be able to salve our consciences and ignore
our more distant "neighbors” if we had a one-way glass in the end
of our tube--if we could see the problems, inequities etc., but
they couldn't see us. But that--for better or worse--is not the
case. The problems, so to speak, are staring back at us--and not
only staring, but in some cases marching!! Very uncomfortable.
The guys near the top of the economic mountain have always been
more visible, but now more than ever.
If we're more uncomfortable or frustrated, it's partly
because we see the problems and dilemmas more clearly, and partly
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because they see us. But It's not just that society--our expanded
communlty--expects more of us, we expect more of ourselves--in two
respects: one technological, the other, for lack of a better word,
spiritual. After all, we keep asking ourselves, if we can develop
an organization that can put a man on the moon, why can't we devise
a welfare system that will wipe out poverty, or an educational
system that will guarantee equal opportunity? Nor is this simply
a technological or organizational question--it's compounded by our
knowledge that in the richest nation in the world, poverty is all
the more an inexplicable affront.
Of course, one can explain these apparent discrepancies.
After all, putting a man on the moon is a specific, identifiable
task whose achievement we can measure in clearcut terms. In con
trast, elimination of poverty and assuring equal opportunity are
matters of degree, ever shifting targets whose attainment will
always be subject to debate. Indeed, they are goals which by
their nature can never be fully achieved.
Similarly, the moon landing represented primarily an
achievement of technological organization, something in which we
have excelled for some time. In contrast, our social goals require
nothing less than a restructuring of our society and a reorienta
tion of our outlook. At least since the splitting of the atom,
and in fact long before, man has been far more clever in achieving
technological advances than in creating social organizations to
exploit and control them for the good of mankind. So really, we
shouldn't be surprised that we can perform technical miracles
yet fail to overcome social problems. But such "failure" is
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nevertheless galling, since we continue, quite rightly, to
expect better of ourselves.
I think this phenomenon of rising expectations has
another dimension, much harder to pinpoint or even describe,
but perhaps no less fundamental. The astrologers tell us that
we are moving into the Age of Aquarius, away from the conflicts
and dissension of the past and toward a heightened sense of the
brotherhood of man. However one wants to describe this greater
caring for the expanded community, I for one seem to sense that
it's blowin' in the wind.
Very pretty sermon, parson, but what's all that got to
do with the economic realities like they showed us at the begin
ning of this here show. The answer, I think, is "a whole lot."
Many of the policy dilemmas we face today grow out of
our heightened awareness of the substantial disparities and
inequities that exist within our own society, and between this
country and the rest of the world. The fact is that these
disparities in material well-being and in opportunity are not
only large, but are growing, at least in terms of absolute
differences. In the U.S., for example, one estimate indicates
that more than ten percent of our families still have incomes
below the poverty level. However much one may be suspicious of
particular figures of this sort, it's hard to deny the existence
of deplorable ghetto schools, malnutrition, inadequate housing,
poor health care, etc. that tell us we still have a long way to
go even at home.
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But the contrasts between this country and the rest
of the world almost defy comprehension. In this connection,
I couldn't help but be impressed--and depressed--by Bob
McNamara's address at the World Bank annual meeting a few weeks
ago. He said that it now looked as though the industrialized
countries of the world would provide only about half the amount
of development assistance needed to enable the less developed
countries to achieve a 6% rate of growth in 6NP. As a result,
the poorer countries--with 1.1 billion inhabitants and per
capita GNP's of less than $200 -- will see their per capita
incomes rise by no more than $2 per year during this decade.
"Projected to the end of the century--only a generation
away--that means the people of the developed countries will be
enjoying per capita incomes, in 1972 prices, of over $8,000 a
year, while these masses of the poor (who by that time will total
over two and one-quarter billion) will on average receive less
than $200 per capita, and some 800 million of these will receive
less than $100."
At home, at least, in a fumbling way we have been trans
lating our increasing personal concern for our fellow man into
an expanded social concern, which in turn has meant an expanding
role for people-oriented programs in the federal budget. In
effect, I think the social legislation of the mid- to late- 1960* s
represents as much of a turning point in its own way as did its
forerunner in the 1930's--a new commitment to the well-being of
our fellow man, and the environment in which he lives.
The facts, I think, tend to support this view. In what
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follows, I rely heavily on the impressive analytical work done
by Charles Schultze and his colleagues at the Brookings Insti
tution, published in "Setting National Priorities: the 1973
Budget." Over the past ten years, there has been a striking
shift in our national priorities as reflected in the federal
budget. Expenditures on defense, etc., dropped from more than
half the total in 1963 (53%, $59 billion) to only a third in the
1973 budget (34%, $88 billion). At the same time, what might be
called "Great Society" programs--programs that are mostly new
or substantially restructured--rose from 2% to 14% of the total,
or from less than $2 billion to more than $35 billion. Some
$20 billion of this figure is accounted for by programs that
provide goods and services directly to people, principally the
poor and the aged: housing subsidies, medicare and medicaid,
food stamps, loans and scholarships for higher education, etc.
The remaining $16 billion provides grants-in-aid, mostly to
state and local governments, for such things as waste treatment
plants, community mental health centers, urban planning, imDroved
medical delivery systems, manpower training programs, etc.
To label these outlays as "Great Society" programs in
jects a note of partisanship that I think is not warranted. The
fact is that the present administration is by and large continuing
these programs, and in a number of cases expanding them more
rapidly than in the past. Just as much of the New Deal legisla
tion in the social field eventually gained bipartisan support,
so much of the recent social legislation--at least in the sense
of accepting federal responsibility in areas hitherto considered
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outside its realm--is already becoming consensus politics.
But while we have accepted greater responsibility for
the well-being of our fellow citizens and for our environment
we have failed to own up to--or in some cases even realize--
the economic consequences of these decisions for budgetary
policy, management of the economy, and our own personal tax bill.
And this incongruity has left us with some of the problems and
dilemmas pointed to earlier. The fact is that federal outlays
on civilian-type programs (including the Great Society programs
mentioned earlier) have been rising twice as fast in the last
three years as they were ten years ago (9% vs 4%, on a deflated
per capita basis). As a result, such expenditures will repre
sent about 13 1/2% of the total output of our economy in 1973,
compared with less than 9% in 1965. So even if no new programs
are added in the future--and that's a pretty implausible assump-
tion--the growth of existing programs will absorb a much larger
share of the growth of the economy than in the past. And this
is where the shoe is starting to pinch.
In effect, in the past we could have our cake and eat
it too. Because we have progressive personal income tax rates
in this country, growth in incomes generates a more than pro
portional increase in federal revenues. So without any increase
in tax rates, a growing economy permitted us to finance not only
the growth in existing programs, but add programs at a fairly
rapid clip, since we were starting from such a small base. But
now, as I've indicated, our civilian programs consume a substan
tially larger portion of GNP.
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In addition, over the past decade we've reduced tax
rates to an extent that very nearly wipes out the additional
revenues we might have had out of income growth. For example,
it's estimated that reductions in personal, corporate, and
federal excise tax rates since 1963 have cost the government
some $45 billion, partially offset by an $18.5 billion higher
take from payroll taxes, for a net loss of $27 billion. Now
it doesn't take much imagination to see that $27 billion would
go a very long way toward closing the gap between expenditures
and revenues in the coming fiscal year when a huge deficit is
highly unwelcome. Nor is it difficult to understand why both
the administration and its critics are concerned about the
possible need for a tax increase to finance growing expenditures
in the years immediately ahead.
Just as the effort to deal with increasingly widely
recognized social concerns in our country has meant an expanded
role for the federal government in channeling expenditure and
income flows in our economy through the budget, these same con
cerns have had an even more remarkable impact on the character
of investment flows through the credit markets. For example, it's
estimated that the federal government, either through its own
borrowing or through borrowing guaranteed by its agencies, will
have its name on nearly half the funds raised in the credit
markets during the current fiscal year. That proportion con
trasts with less than a quarter of total flows a decade ago.
Most of this phenomenal increase has taken place within the
past five years, and apart from the enlarged deficit of the
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government itself, represents primarily the government's
efforts to stimulate subsidized housing.
Now whether we're talking about expanding federal
expenditures or expanding federal borrowing to meet the needs
of new or growing programs, we're essentially talking about
pressures on available resources, and, in gut terms, who gets
how much. If social concerns require that the government do
more in this area than in the past, this implies that there'll
be relatively less for you and me to spend ourselves. If we
fail to recognize this economic reality, and simply pile new
demands on top of existing ones, we should hardly be surprised
if the result on balance is upward pressure on prices and interest
rates.
Now I fully recognize that there are all shadings of
views in this room as to the appropriate role of government in
our society. Even those, such as myself, who believe that it's
entirely appropriate that we devote a larger share of our re
sources to seeking answers in common to social problems question
whether we've found effective means to achieve this goal. As
Schultze and others have pointed out, the government is venturing
into new areas, trying consciously to influence the shape of
institutions and society itself. It has few guides, little
experience, and some obvious failures. Much more thought and
experimentation are needed in seeking better ways of achieving
our social goals--more money alone is not enough.
But it will take more money, so it's important that we
be clear on what this means. For most people, it's not a question
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of redistributing existing incomes, but simply how we should
apportion increments to income between private and social claims.
Most of us, I think, would be reluctant to see our present stan
dards of living reduced in the name of social equity, especially
if we had no concrete proof that greater equity would in fact
result. But we might be prepared to share a larger part of the
increase in our living standards for social experimentalon--and
this is all that's required.
Likewise, it should be clear that while a strong case
can be made in strictly human terms for increased efforts to cure
social ills, provide equal opportunity, and preserve our environ
ment, there's an equally strong case in terms of economic realities.
Unemployed and underemployed human beings are lost output. One
doesn't have to be a slave to growthmanship to feel that society
as a whole loses when people are not contributing up to their
potential. Yet poor health, poor education, poor environment etc.
certainly all detract from that potential. It's not just a play
on words to say that many so-called welfare expenditures are in
fact investments in human capital, investment which if wisely
made, will pay off handsomely in economic as well as human terms
through increased productivity.
Lest this all sound like a rationale for more and more
government in the naive hope that something good will result,
let me quickly say that I believe we have bitten off about as
much as we can usefully chew for the time being in the domestic
area, and ought to concentrate our attention on using more
effectively what we are already providing in the way of social
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expenditures. I have absolutely no doubt that this is the
right prescription for the current year, when the sizeable
anticipated deficit cries out for a ceiling on outlays. Like
wise, I question the desirability of pre-empting as large a
share of savings for the public sector as now seems in prospect,
particularly at a time when housing has demonstrated its ability
to get financing through private channels.
On balance, though, I think we have been appropriately
translating the greater perceived need for social expenditures
in the U.S. into reality. But our record in terms of providing
assistance to our neighbors abroad has been dismal, if not worse.
At the present time, we are devoting less than one third of one
percent of our output to foreign aid. By 1975, it's expected
that that meagre contribution will fall further to less than a
quarter of one percent. If this estimate turns out to be correct,
there will be only one developed country in the world contributing
less of its resources proportionately to the less developed areas
of the globe than we. I for one find this entirely out of har
mony with our own traditions, and with our obligations to our
fellow man. I can find no more eloquent summary of my own feelings
in this respect than Bob McNamara's conclusion to his remarks cited
earl1er.
"The affluent nations have, of course, their own domestic
priorities. But their growing incremental income is so immense,
their technological capacity so powerful, and their whole range
of advantages so disproportionately gigantic, that no rational
argument can be made for their refusal to do more to assist the
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disadvantaged nations...
If the rich nations do not act--through both aid and
trade--to diminish the widening imbalance between their own
collective wealth and the aggregate poverty of the poor nations,
development simply cannot succeed within any acceptable time
frame. The community of nations will only become more danger
ously fragmented into the privileged and the deprived, the
self-satisfied and the frustrated, the complacent and the
bitter. It will not be an international atmosphere conducive
to tranquility...
"I believe that no one within this forum would deny that
the time for significantly greater social and economic equity
both among nations and within nations has indeed come.
"Given more than a million years of man's life on earth;
it has been long in arriving.
"Now that it is here we cannot escape asking ourselves
where our responsibilities lie.
"It seems to me that the character of our entire era
will be defined by the shape of our response."*
* Quoted from "Address to the Board of Governors" by Robert
S. McNamara, President, World Bank Group
September 25, 1972
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Cite this document
APA
Bruce K. MacLaury (1972, October 9). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19721010_bruce_k_maclaury
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19721010_bruce_k_maclaury,
author = {Bruce K. MacLaury},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1972},
month = {Oct},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19721010_bruce_k_maclaury},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}