speeches · October 4, 1972
Regional President Speech
John J. Balles · President
CONFESSIONS
OF A
NEW
CENTRAL
_____ BANKER
REMARKS BY
John J. Balles
PRESIDENT
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK
OF SAN FRANCISCO
Dinner Meeting
Federal Reserve Bank
Directors and
Commercial Bankers
Los Angeles, California
October 5, 1972
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53*^
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John J. Balles
It is a real pleasure to be here this evening
with the Directors of the Federal Reserve
Bank of San Francisco and its branches and
with a group of leading bankers from the Los
Angeles area. It is certainly an honor to
serve in my new job as the ninth chief execu
tive of the Federal Reserve Bank of San
Francisco, which I have always regarded as
one of the leading Reserve Banks.
To be sure, I came here from the East, and
most of us recognize that there are some dif
ferences between eastern and western banks
and bankers. Nevertheless, the similarities
are also important. Thus, I don’t feel like a
total stranger in this environment—especially
since I have been closely acquainted with
some of you for years. I am looking forward
to getting better acquainted with the rest of
you.
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I view my new position as an opportunity
to become a part of the dynamic and innova
tive financial community of the West. Having
come from an area of the country character
ized by limited-area branch banking, one of
the major differences I already have noted in
this part of the country is that, despite the
prevalence of state-wide branching, there is
obviously an opportunity for small and
medium-size banks to play a role in the
regional economy, particularly in quick adap
tations to local circumstances. The number
of such banks represented here tonight testi
fies to the fact that they can prosper even in
the shadow of large branch systems.
Commercial to Central Banker
It is certainly a challenge to share the plat
form tonight with the illustrious Chairman of
the Board of Governors of the Federal Re
serve System. This is particularly true in view
of the fact that I have not attended a meeting
of the Federal Open Market Committee since
1959 and am now about to begin a refresher
course in central banking. Perhaps I could
rise to the challenge and do something spec
tacular for the Federal Reserve System if 1
could get the cooperation of an old friend
who is here tonight. He is Lee Atwood, a
former director of the Los Angeles Branch of
our Bank and the retired President of North
American Rockwell Corporation, on whose
Board of Directors 1 was privileged to serve
until I accepted my present position. When
Rockwell-Standard was merged with North
American Aviation to form North American
Rockwell, a technology-transfer committee
was established, whose main purpose was to
explore ways of applying spage-age technol
ogy to commercial products. Now that Lee
is retired and has a lot of time to think about
such matters, I may ask him to consider ways
of applying space-age technology to the ad
ministration of a Federal Reserve Bank and
to the formulation of monetary policy!
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Having so recently come from commercial
banking, where I was privileged to serve for
the last thirteen years with Mellon Bank, I
would have to admit that I haven’t yet fully
shifted back to the point of view of a central
banker. In recent years, I have spent consid
erable time on the affairs of the American
Bankers Association, including service last
year as Chairman of the Special ABA Com
mittee on the Presidential Commission on
Financial Structure and Regulation, and also
including service until recently as a member
of the Administrative Committee of the Gov
ernment Relations Council and as a member
of the Economic Advisory Committee.
Just before resigning recently from the
Trustees of the Banking Research Fund of
the Association of Reserve City Bankers, I
was managing trustee for a study, which I
had proposed, of loan commitments by
banks. This study is still in preparation and
is being done by a well-qualified professor at
Harvard, who was formerly on my staff at
Mellon Bank. It was aimed at answering the
general questions of what constitutes a pru
dent upper limit to loan commitments and
how such commitments can be better man
aged. Among other things, we were attempt
ing to test the feasibility of a suggestion made
by Arthur F. Burns, in an April 1970 address
to the Association of Reserve City Bankers,
that banks should limit their loan commit
ments to amounts they reasonably believe can
be financed in periods of tight money and
that banks should charge at least as much
for take-downs under commitments as they
are paying for additional funds at that time.
Needless to say, I will be very interested in
seeing the study when it is finally published.
The only purpose in mentioning my back
ground in such an immodest fashion is to
make the point, for those of you who don’t
yet know me, that if I don’t understand the
problems of commercial banks, it has not
been for lack of opportunity. There is the
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further point that your views and problems
will always receive a sympathetic hearing at
the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco
—whether or not we end up agreeing with
you about any proposed course of action or
remedies. In the same breath, I should also
mention—as Chairman Burns reminded me
during a visit in Washington before I as
sumed office—that I am now working for all
the people, and should solicit views and opin
ions not only from the banking and business
communities, but from other segments of
society as well. I am certain that you will
appreciate the desirability of doing this.
Role of Federal Reserve Bank
of San Francisco
In this age of specialization, I certainly
don’t pretend to be knowledgeable on all
phases of banking—far from it. But I believe
that we have in the combined staff of this
Bank such knowledge and expertise as is
necessary to carry out our functions. I know
that if I can’t answer your questions on some
bank operating matters, such as check col
lections or cash operations, we have people
who can—a group headed by our very able
First Vice President, A. B. Merritt, and in
cluding Paul W. Cavan, Senior Vice Presi
dent and Manager of our Los Angeles
Branch, who is one of our hosts tonight.
With the team we now have and will de
velop, it is my hope to make the Federal
Reserve Bank of San Francisco an active
partner with the banking and business com
munities in improving the financial and eco
nomic climate of the Twelfth District. I don’t
yet have a blueprint on how to do this, and
it would be premature to even mention some
possibilities I have in mind until they have
been studied more thoroughly. Pending com
pletion of such studies, however, we would
welcome now or at any time any suggestions
or proposals which you might have along
these lines.
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Federal Reserve System—
Key Problems
Let me now turn to several other matters
having to do with the Federal Reserve Sys
tem. In so doing, I propose to dig back into
past history, feeling that this offers valuable
perspective on the present. It is especially
appropriate to do this in view of the fact
that the Chairman of our Board of Directors,
Dr. O. Meredith Wilson, was a distinguished
historian before he became President of the
University of Oregon and later the Univer
sity of Minnesota. Incidentally, he informs
me (presumably with tongue in cheek) that
in his current position as President and Di
rector of the Center for Advanced Studies
in the Behavioral Sciences at Stanford, he
is running a monastery for scholars—but
without celibacy!
There are two general points I want to
make. First, to the extent that there have
been “mistakes” in past monetary policy, as
viewed by impartial observers, the most fre
quent cause has been deficit financing by
the U. S. Government. The second point
has to do with the vital necessity of main
taining an independent central bank.
First, as to monetary policy, second-guess
ing the Fed is a popular pastime. Some peo
ple have even made a career of it. And I
would have to admit that I have done my
share over the years, starting with a doctoral
dissertation in 1950 on the subject of mone
tary policy during World War II and the im
mediate postwar years.
If there was one lesson that was indelibly
impressed upon me in preparing that disser
tation and in subsequent studies, it was that
efforts to maintain a predetermined and rel
atively low level of interest rates necessarily
immobilize monetary policy as an instrument
of economic stabilization—and indeed make
the central bank an “engine of inflation.”
Further, the use of fiscal policy as an instru
ment of restraint also becomes unworkable
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under such conditions. It now seems so clear
in retrospect. Yet, it was not so clear at the
time, as I was reminded recently when rem
iniscing with Cecil Earhart, my predecessor
twice removed, who served as President of
the Federal Reserve Bank in those years. We
recalled the agonizing debates which took
place on the subject in the postwar years—
i.e., could the level of interest rates be al
lowed to rise from the artificially low levels
maintained during the war without serious
risk of a financial and economic collapse?
Along with many others at that time, I urged
the necessity of restoring timely and flexible
monetary policy, in conjunction with fiscal
and debt-management policies, as indispens
able in a broad program of vigorous eco
nomic growth without inflation. When the
Government securities market was finally un
pegged in March, 1951, in the now famous
Treasury-Federal Reserve Accord, the econ
omy and the financial markets did not col
lapse, and monetary policy was restored to a
viable role in combatting the inflationary
pressures that arose with the Korean War.
It was true then, and is true today, that
if monetary, credit, and fiscal policies are
used in a coordinated manner, they are ca
pable of exerting a powerful influence on in
come, production, and prices. Moreover,
since these instruments of policy operate to
influence the general economic environment
in an indirect fashion, they are more com
patible with a private enterprise economy
than the main alternative approach—namely,
a system of direct economic controls involv
ing detailed regulation of markets and prices.
It seems that we have to keep re-learning
the lesson that the principal obstacle to suc
cessful use of monetary, credit and fiscal pol
icies has been the failure to use them in a
coordinated fashion. In that case, they are
likely to offset and defeat each other. In
deed, much of our economic history is mark
ed by inappropriate budget deficits defeating
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efforts to combat inflation through credit re
straint. The problem that we are faced with
at present—namely, a huge Federal deficit
in a period of strong economic expansion, is
in fact new wine in an old bottle—and there
have been many such “old bottles” over the
years.
Monetary-Fiscal Mismatch, 1965
By way of illustration, in the latter part
of 1965, when the “new economics” was
still calling for expansive policies on aggre
gate demand, with a view to pushing the un
employment rate below 4%, there were some
observers who recognized the emerging in
flationary threat. One of these was Arthur
F. Burns, then President of the National Bu
reau of Economic Research and John Bates
Clark Professor of Economics at Columbia
University. In his Benjamin Fairless Memo
rial Lectures in Pittsburgh at Carnegie In
stitute of Technology (now Carnegie Mellon
University), Dr. Burns recognized the con
tributions made by the “new economists.”
But he observed that their favorite instru
ments of policy, if pushed beyond a point,
may bring on inflation and undermine pros
perity. Specifically, he observed that such a
point was close at hand, if not already
reached, and he called for less liberal mone
tary and fiscal policies, in the interests of
both the domestic economy and our inter
national balance of payments. Following a
luncheon that Mellon Bank gave for Dr.
Burns, I recall a discussion 1 had with some
“new economists” who believed that it was
too early to start fighting inflation. That view
proved clearly wrong, as illustrated by subse
quent developments.
Meanwhile, the Federal Reserve System
had also correctly diagnosed the emerging
inflationary pressures stemming from the es
calation of the Viet Nam War in mid-1965
and from the concurrent expansion in “Great
Society” welfare expenditures. By Decem
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ber 1965, the System increased the discount
rate as a public signal. Prior to the increase,
strong public statements were made by vari
ous high-ranking members of the Adminis
tration, including the Secretary of the Treas
ury, warning against such action. After the
increase, there was strong denunciation of
the move, including a statement by the Chair
man of the Council of Economic Advisers to
the effect that it represented a serious breach
in coordination of monetary and fiscal policy.
However, by the spring of 1966, it was
clear that the Council of Economic Advisers
had seriously underestimated the strength of
the inflationary boom that was developing.
Not only did the Administration fail to re
vise its fiscal stance at the time, but it at
tempted to dissuade the Federal Reserve
from meeting the threat through a modest
measure of credit restraint. With the benefit
of hindsight, it appears that the December
1965 increase in the discount rate and the
associated move toward credit restraint was
not only appropriate but overdue.
Lessons from Abroad. At this point, I
would like to digress for a moment. In 1959,
I happened to be in London on Mellon Bank
business at the time when the Report of the
Committee on the Workings of the Monetary
System—better known as the Radcliffe Re
port—was scheduled for debate in the House
of Commons. In the course of that debate,
I heard the Chancellor of the Exchequer an
nounce that one of the principal recommen
dations of the Radcliffe Report had been im
plemented — namely, that henceforth any
proposed change in Bank rate by the Bank
of England would have to be submitted in
writing by the Governor to the Chancellor
and approved by the Chancellor before be
coming effective. Actually, of course, this
new procedure simply formalized a practice
which had been followed since 1946 when
the Bank of England was nationalized.
Can there be any doubt of the outcome
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had such a system prevailed in the United
States in 1965—i.e., any doubt that the Sec
retary of the Treasury would have refused to
ratify the proposed increase in the discount
rate by the Federal Reserve? Can there be
any doubt that our economic situation would
have ended up even more unbalanced than
it did, in the “credit crunch” in the summer
and fall of 1966?
Perhaps this one illustration will serve to
buttress the case of those of us who believe
that the independence of the central bank
within government—but certainly not from
the government — is a vital protection to
sound economic policy in a free society. The
world’s largest debtor—i.e., the U.S. Trea
sury—at times has not taken an unbiased
and objective view on measures affecting the
cost and availability of money.
Independence of the Federal Reserve Sys
tem. This point has special relevance in
view of repeated efforts in certain quarters
in the Congress to undermine the indepen
dence of the Federal Reserve within govern
ment. Most recently, this effort has taken
the form of an amendment to an omnibus
housing bill (H.R. 16704) which calls for
an annual audit by the General Accounting
Office of the Board of Governors and the
Federal Reserve Banks. It would give the
G.A.O. access to all books and records of
the Federal Reserve System. At first blush,
this appears to be something that is hard to
argue about—who can be against audits? In
point of fact, it happens that the Board of
Governors of the Federal Reserve is already
audited by a reputable private firm (Ly-
brand, Ross Bros. & Montgomery); in turn,
the Board’s staff thoroughly audits the Re
serve Banks.
The real point of the amendment in ques
tion is that it would not be confined to a fi
nancial audit. Instead, it would include an
appraisal of operations, not only in regards to
compliance with law, but also in reference to
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recommendations “for attaining a more eco
nomical and efficient administration” of the
Federal Reserve. The authority is so broad
ly described that it could include a review of
System open-market and foreign operations.
In my judgment, this could lead to intimida
tion of the Federal Reserve and to efforts to
influence its policy. Fortunately, it now ap
pears that the amendment is dead for this
session of Congress, mostly because of the
clogged legislative calendar, but the pro
posal is almost certain to be raised again.
Eternal vigilance is the price necessary to
avoid “political money,” and I urge that you
be alert to such proposals in the future.
Budget Deficits — the Main Barrier to
Monetary Policy. To return to the subject
of Federal Reserve policy, I recall my par
ticipation in President Nixon's pre-inaugural
Task Force on Inflation in 1968. On this
task force. I associated myself with the crit
icism of “stop-and-go” monetary policy, as
evidenced by the “credit crunch” of 1966
and the unduly rapid monetary expansion
in the second half of 1968—which, subse
quent to our report, led to the “credit
squeeze” of 1969. However, 1 managed to
see that our report recognized the fact that
large budget deficits are the most likely fac
tor to pull monetary policy off course toward
over-expansion, leading later to the necessity
of tromping hard on the credit brakes.
Politically, while it is not too difficult to
use fiscal policy for purposes of economic
stimulus, it is very difficult to use it on the
side of restraint. Recently, we have again
heard words of warning on this subject. In
view of the huge deficit in the Federal budget,
which threatens to get still larger, Chairman
Burns has stated before the Joint Economic
Committee his fear that the Federal budget
is out of control, and has called for support
of current Administration and bi-partisan
Congressional efforts to secure passage of
a $250 billion ceiling on Federal expendi
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tures in the current fiscal year. I was pleased
to note that the American Bankers Associa
tion also called for such a ceiling in its
action of August 22, and proposed other
measures to arrest the alarming uptrend in
Government expenditures. A vote on the
expenditure ceiling is scheduled in the House
this week, and a great deal depends on the
outcome.
The fundamental problem is to re-estab-
lish a sense of fiscal discipline in Congress,
and especially to regain control over Fed
eral spending. Otherwise, fiscal policy will
not only fail to live up to its potential, but
is likely to defeat monetary policy as well.
Unfortunately, some of those prominently
associated with the “new economics” are
calling for a different approach than the
one I have outlined. In a recent article in
the Wall Street Journal, one such represen
tative warned against “prematurely” cutting
off the monetary and fiscal lifeblood of the
current economic expansion, stating that we
need not start throttling down until mid-
1973. In my personal judgment, this would
be too late to re-establish fiscal discipline for
purposes of economic stabilization, given
current circumstances.
In Conclusion
In closing, I would like to indicate the
challenge I see in my new job which drew
me to it, despite the attractiveness of a ca
reer in commercial banking. I see an op
portunity, which I hope I can fulfill, to serve
the community as a whole by accepting a po
sition where I can work closely with bankers
and businessmen from a huge and dynamic
region—the Twelfth Federal Reserve Dis
trict—to help solve some of the trying finan
cial and economic problems now besetting
society.
The kinds of problems I have in mind in
clude: (1) the world’s apparent inability to
come to grips with inflation; (2) the acceler
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ating need for capital, based on rising ma
terial expectations, especially from those
groups in society which have tended to be
by-passed by the promise of technology; (3)
the exacerbation of the capital shortage by
the need to refurbish existing capital facili
ties and to improve the quality of the envi
ronment; and (4) the need to use financial
institutions in our society in a way which
will benefit all of the people, through in
creasing opportunities for them to earn their
own livelihoods and lead the “good life.”
That is a tall order—and is a challenge to
all of us. Unless we succeed, the future of
private enterprise is in danger. In striving
for these goals, let us recall the words of
Woodrow Wilson's first inaugural address,
which happen to be inscribed on a plaque
at the entrance to the Federal Reserve Bank
of Cleveland, where I first began my tour
of duty in central banking:
“We shall deal with our economic
system as it is and as it may he modified,
not as it might he if we had a clean
sheet of paper to write upon, and step
by step we shall make it what it should
be”
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Cite this document
APA
John J. Balles (1972, October 4). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19721005_john_j_balles
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19721005_john_j_balles,
author = {John J. Balles},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1972},
month = {Oct},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19721005_john_j_balles},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}