speeches · January 24, 1972
Regional President Speech
Monroe Kimbrel · President
THE AMERICAN DOLLAR AND THE WORLD ECONOMY
An Address before the
Chamber of Commerce
Annual Meeting
Kingsport, Tennessee
January 25, 1972
by
Monroe Kimbrel, President
Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta
Prepared for Mr* KimbrelTs use by John E. Leimone International Economist
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THE AMERICAN DOLLAR AND THE WORLD ECONOMY
The once prestigious American dollar has lost its former place of
eminence among world currencies. Just a few months ago, President Nixon,
in effect, proclaimed to the world that the dollar could no longer carry
the burdens to which it had long been accustomed. As a result, the
international monetary system, which had depended upon a strong dollar,
came crashing down, after having served the world for twenty-five years.
The drastic Presidential actions taken in mid-August and the international
financial turmoil that followed created severe shocks around the world.
Americans, as well as others, have been perplexed by this turn of
events. Many have wondered what happened to bring about this dramatic
weakness of the dollar and how this is related to problems of economic
stagnation, inflation, and high unemployment. The answers are complicated.
International trade and finance involve technicalities and complexi
ties understood only by professionals, and not always by them. Without
entering into the somewhat mysterious and controversial details, the
fundamental causes of the international economic predicament that have
engulfed the United States and the rest of the world can be briefly
stated:
1. We have shown enormous self-conceit in trying to spread
at very high cost, both militarily and otherwise, our
own political and cultural ideals throughout the world.
2. Partly as a result of this, we have mismanaged our fiscal
affairs, incurring large deficits when our economy was
fully employed and creating inflationary pressures that
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have allowed the dollar to decline in domestic purchasing
power to less than half its value forty years ago.
3. Inflationary pressures have widened the gap between pro
ductivity and business costs, especially of labor, and
we have failed to effectively deal with this problem.
As a result, we flooded the world with dollars and priced ourselves
out of a good part of the international trade market. The increasing
oversupply of dollars exposed a number of serious weaknesses in the inter
national monetary system that added to our difficulties.
In more concrete terms, a substantial part of international economic
problems are hangover headaches from our long inflationary binge since
1965. The rapid troop build-up in Vietnam, in addition to an already
fully employed economy, created excessive demand pressures. Large budget
deficits intensified these pressures and placed an overwhelming burden on
monetary policy to maintain stability in the economy. Finally, by late
1969, monetary and fiscal policies had begun to control these prolonged
excessive demand pressures. At that time, however, a worrisome cost-push
inflation began to emerge. This cost-push inflation resulted in large
part from excessive wage contract terms extracted from business concerns
under the threat -or the occurrence of industrywide strikes. While these
wage contracts wTere an effort by labor unions to catch up losses in real
wages resulting from past inflation, these wage deals, nevertheless, have
contributed to higher prices and higher unemployment.
The existence of high unemployment and continued inflation certainly
complicated the task of monetary and fiscal policies in trying to achieve
domestic economic goals. But both the demand-pull and the cost-push
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inflation weakened our competitive position by pushing prices for American
goods above goods produced abroad. Rising labor costs in the -U. S. may
also have encouraged large U, S. corporations to increase their investments
abroad to hold the line on costs.
Thus, it should be clear that failure to adequately handle our domestic
economic affairs had serious international repercussions as well. These
repercussions have contributed in greater or lesser degree to the recurring
international financial crises over the last decade.
But it would be sterile to dwell overmuch on the negative aspects of
current economic problems. Despite the turmoil of the past year, we have
received a splendid opportunity for helping to construct an improved frame
work for our economic interrelationships with the rest of the world. Just
a few days before Christmas, the United States reached an accord with other
major industrial countries that should be viewed as significant progress
in the right direction.
As part of the accord, other nations agreed to a realignment of their
currencies against the dollar in exchange for removal of the 10-percent
surcharge on imports and of the nBuy American" feature of the recently
enacted investment tax credit. In addition, the Administration promised
to ask Congress to devalue the dollar by raising the price of gold from
$35 to $38 per ounce. In return, the Administration is awaiting commit
ments for a fundamental renegotiation of trade problems, with a view toward
significantly reducing world-wide barriers to trade.
However, while the accord represented a significant first step, a
number of thorny issues remain to be resolved. In addition to trade
barriers, these issues include, among others, the future creation and
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transfer of international reserves and the flow of international investment
and capital controls. In dealing with these problems, we should keep in
mind several lessons from the past if we are to better mesh international
and domestic economic goals. If these lessons are ignored, we can expect
some of our present difficulties to linger or reappear in more intense form.
For example, the popular view has been that, when international policy
needs conflict with domestic' economic goals, we could somehow muddle through
international problems without a great deal of loss. International trans
actions may not play as large a role in the U. S. economy as they do in
other nations but their importance is nevertheless significant.
From mid-19705 attempts to stimulate growth in output and employment
with a still persistent inflation were undoubtedly frustrated in part by
a high rate of imports. Yet these imports were a symptom of a much more
fundamental cause: The cumulative effects of a high rate of inflation
during the latter part of the 1960’s had made U. S. producers increasingly
less competitive with foreign producers. Reducing imports through quotas
or other means without restoring U. S. competitiveness would only have
dealt with symptoms while aggravating inflationary pressures.
The new exchange rate realignments, in which the prices of major
foreign currencies.were raised against the dollar, will have widespread
effects upon American consumers and businessmen.
American consumers must now pay higher prices for the variety of
foreign goods that we import, such as cars and televisions. These higher
prices may have the effect of marginally reducing the real standard of
living of many Americans.
In contrast, a number of American businesses competing with foreign
imports will gain some advantages, since the price competition from foreign
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producers will be less severe. But unless these companies increase produc
tivity, such advantages could soon be dissipated. Other American businesses
may find their costs rising as a result of the higher prices they must pay
for imported foreign components.
The new exchange rate realignment may also encourage some shift of
investment from other countries to the U. S. The stock market already
appears to be receiving a renewed infusion of foreign funds.
We should have learned that no nation can deal with its international
difficulties alone. No actions taken by this country to deal with its
balance of payments deficit can succeed if other nations pursue policies
designed to maintain lasting surpluses. Thus, without the currency realign
ment negotiated with other countries, it would have been impossible to
achieve a better balance in our international transactions. Even now, the
opportunity to eliminate our balance of payments deficit could still be
frustrated through restrictions on trade and investment. These are matters
which still require arduous negotiations. A more equitable sharing of
mutual defense and economic aid expenses by our major trading partners
can also contribute to a better payments equilibrium.
On the other hand, if we expect the cooperation of other nations, we
must exercise responsibility in restraining inflation in such a way as to
minimize any adverse impact of our own economy upon other nations. Our
dominant size in the world economy and massive influence on the economies
of other nations make this responsibility particularly acute. In other
words, we cannot pursue a policy of "benign neglect" toward the rest of
the world.
Through growing and frequent central bank consultation, the use of
central bank swap networks, the creation of special drawing rights, and
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other developments, we have made significant advances in dealing with many
international monetary problems. But we should have learned that these inter
national economic problems cannot be solved solely by financial policies.
There has been a tendency to rely far too heavily upon monetary policy
to achieve both domestic goals and international equilibrium, while apply
ing international tax, trade, and investment policies in a piecemeal and
often haphazard fashion.
Excessive reliance on monetary policies in the past, in fact, may have
significantly delayed needed international adjustments. Consequently, the
international adjustments necessary now are likely to be more difficult
and painful as a result of such delays.
Thus, the new exchange rate realignments should be considered only as
a first step in the building of a better international economic system for
the future. We will also need to make progress with other nations in reduc
ing nontariff barriers to trade and barriers to free investment flows.
Some of our difficulties have resulted from our failure to develop new
policies to keep abreast of rapid changes in economic life. The Eurodollar
market is a prime illustration. During the 1960Ts, this market grew much
more rapidly than the capacity of policymakers and economists to fully
understand it, and this failure to understand partially contributed to
the aggravation of international monetary problems earlier this year.
In placing restrictions on international trade and investment, policy
makers may not have given sufficient consideration to the benefits received
from the increasing economic integration brought about by international
trade and investment flows.
Shifts in investment patterns by multinational corporations searching
for production at lowest cost sites improve the efficiency of their
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operations. Countries receiving such investment enjoy a stimulus to eco
nomic growth, while American shareholders in these companies benefit from
increased profits. Moreover, consumers in the United. States and foreign
countries benefit from the better quality and lower cost of the goods
produced by these corporations.
If nations are to achieve a sound and workable international payments
system, our horizons must be broadened and, ideally, the economic and
financial policies of individual nations developed jointly.
At the same time, these policies should be flexible enough to permit
the maximum benefits from free enterprise operating on an international
scale, just as we derive benefits from free enterprise operating within
our individual countries. These benefits include greater variety, better
quality, and lower prices on goods available to Americans and, at the
same time, maximum returns on investments of American citizens and busi
nesses. This means keeping restrictions on international trade, payments,
and investments to a minimum.
The nex* U. S. initiatives for international economic reform create
both promising and threatening possibilities. If the parties to the
negotiations are prepared to be flexible in hammering out new arrange
ments with an eye to the long-term needs of the international economic
system, we have a once-in~a-generation opportunity to make changes that
will benefit everyone. On the other hand, if the negotiations are stymied
by adamant insistence upon short-run national interests so that the talks
drag on in an atmosphere of growing frustration and acrimony, then the
progress of the past 25 years toward freer movement of goods, capital,
and people could be undone. One may devoutly hope that all involved are
aware of the alternatives and will move responsibly.
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In summary, there is an excess in the supply of dollars held by for
eigners above the amount they require to pay for purchases from us. The
devaluation of the dollar through exchange rate realignments should
temporarily favor exports over imports. But it is not a permanent solution.
Correction of our adverse balance of payments and preservation of the
dollar as an important international currency must be done by ourselves,
not by others. Competitiveness in world markets depends upon:
1. bringing labor costs into line with productivity;
2. increasing the rate of productivity gain by upgrading the
labor force;
3. providing the labor force with more and better capital
equipment; and
4. rededicating ourselves to the task of restraining inflation.
As U. S. competitiveness improves, the surplus dollars held abroad will
be sent home to purchase our exports of goods and services.
If we fail to pursue policies calculated to bring about equilibrium in
our economic relationships with the rest of the world, we can look forward
to a rather bleak set of alternatives. We can expect to see the world
economy broken up into currency and trading blocs, with increasing restric
tions placed on international trade and investment. Such a breakdown can
be expected to generate increasing economic inefficiency for all nations.
This inefficiency will be reflected in slower economic growth, lower
profits, lower returns on investment, and increasing inflationary pressures.
These are alternatives we, in cooperation with other nations, must strive
to avoid.
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Cite this document
APA
Monroe Kimbrel (1972, January 24). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19720125_monroe_kimbrel
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19720125_monroe_kimbrel,
author = {Monroe Kimbrel},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1972},
month = {Jan},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19720125_monroe_kimbrel},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}