speeches · November 16, 1971
Regional President Speech
Monroe Kimbrel · President
THE AMERICAN DOLLAR AND THE WORLD ECONOMY
An Address before the
Orlando Rotary Club
Orlandos Florida
November 17, 1971
by
Monroe Kimbrel, President
Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta
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THE AMERICAN DOLLAR AND THE WORLD ECONOMY
The once prestigious American dollar has lost its former place
of eminence among world currencies. Just three months ago, President
Nixon, in effect, proclaimed to the world that the dollar could no
longer carry the burdens to which it had long been accustomed. As a
result, the world monetary system, x<rhich had depended upon a strong
dollar, came crashing down, after having served the world for twenty-
five years.
Americans, as well as the rest of the world, are perplexed by
this turn of events. Many are wondering what happened to bring about
this dramatic weakness of the dollar and how this is related to our
current pattern of economic stagnation, high inflation, and high
unemployment. Perhaps more importantly, many are beginning to wonder
what will happen next in international economic affairs. The answers
are complicated.
International trade and finance involve technicalities and
complexities understood only by professionals and not always by them.
Without entering into the somewhat mysterious and controversial
details, the fundamental causes of the international economic pre
dicament now engulfing the United States and the rest of the world
can be briefly stated:
1. We have shown enormous self-conceit in trying to
spread at very high cost* both militarily and
otherwise, our own political and cultural ideals
throughout the world.
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2. Partly as a result of this, we have mismanaged our
fiscal affairs, incurring large deficits when our
economy was fully employed and creating inflationary
pressures that have allowed the dollar to decline
in domestic purchasing power to less than half its
value forty years ago.
3. Inflationary pressures have widened the gap between
productivity and business costs, especially of labor,
and we have failed to effectively deal with this
problem.
In consequence, we have flooded the world with dollars and priced
ourselves out of a good part of the international trade market. The
increasing oversupply of dollars exposed a number of serious weaknesses
in the international monetary system that added to our difficulties.
Events came to a head when the accelerating outflow of dollars
to the rest of the world over the last year resulted in intense pressures
on the dollar in foreign exchange markets. Increasingly, European
financial men appeared convinced that the U. S. would not take adequate
steps to avert a dollar devaluation. Because attitudes play such an
important part in the short-run value of any currency, apprehensions
among world financiers intensified the very weaknesses that frightened
them. Speculation against the dollar mounted steadily. The situation
had reached a point where international difficulties could no longer
be papered over.
While the drastic Presidential actions taken in mid-August were
inevitable because of the deteriorating situation, they, of course,
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have not resolved all of our difficulties. This is underscored by the
very slow progress made since then in international financial negotia
tions. But we have indicated a willingness to finally come to grips
with the problems confronting us and to work out a more equitable and
better functioning set of international economic relationships.
A substantial part of our current problems are hang-over headaches
from our long inflationary binge since 1965. The rapid .troop build-up
in Vietnam, in addition to an already fully employed economy, created
excessive demand pressures. Large budget deficits intensified these
pressures and placed an overwhelming burden on monetary policy to main
tain stability in the economy. Finally, in late 1969, monetary and
fiscal policies had begun to control these prolonged excessive demand
pressures. More recently, however, a kind of inflation has emerged
that has not responded to the classic prescriptions for control. It
may be described as a cost-push inflation, in large part a product
of extravagant wage contract terms imposed by labor leaders on
business concerns under the threat or the impact of industrywide
strikes. While these wage contracts were an effort by labor unions
to catch up losses in real wages resulting from past inflation, these
wage deals, nevertheless, have contributed to higher prices and higher
unemployment.
The existence of high unemployment and continued inflation has
certainly complicated the task of monetary and fiscal policies in
trying to achieve domestic economic goals. But both the demand, pull
and the cost-push inflation have weakened our competitive position
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by pushing prices for American goods above goods produced abroad.
Rising labor costs in the U. S, may also have encouraged large U. S.
corporations to increase their investments abroad to hold the line
on costs.
Thus, it should be clear that failure to adequately handle our
domestic economic affairs had serious international repercussions as
well. These repercussions have contributed in greater or lesser
degree to the recurring international financial crises over the last
decade. In dealing with these crises, we should have learned several
lessons about how to better mesh international and domestic economic
developments. If these lessons are ignored, we can expect some of
our present difficulties to linger or reappear in mere intense form.
The popular view has been that when international policy needs
conflict with domestic economic goals we could somehow muddle through
international problems without a great deal of loss. International
transactions may not play as large a role in the U. S. economy as
they do in other nations, but their importance is nevertheless
significant.
From mid-*3 970, attempts to stimulate growth in output and
employment with a still high rate of inflation were undoubtedly
frustrated in part by a high rate of imports. Yet these imports were
a symptom of a much more fundamental cause: the cumulative effects
of a high rate of inflation during the latter part of the 1960?s had
made U« S. producers increasingly less competitive with foreign
producers Reducing imports through quotas or other means without
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restoring U. S. competitiveness would only have dealt with symptoms
while aggravating inflationary pressures*
The August 15 actions in the international area and the responses
of foreign governments will have widespread effects upon American
consumers and businessmen.
American consumers must now pay higher prices for the variety
of foreign goods that we import, such as cars and televisions. These
higher prices may have the effect of marginally reducing the real
standard of living of many Americans.
In contrast, a number of American businesses competing with
foreign imports will gain temporary advantages, since the price
competition from foreign producers will be less severe. But unless
these companies increase productivity, such advantages soon may be
dissipated. Other American businesses may find their costs rising
as a result of the higher prices they must pay for imported foreign
components.
Many large American corporations and banks with extensive
overseas operations are already finding that the wide array of foreign
exchange controls are hampering their operations. Consequently,
these controls may reduce foreign earnings of the corporations and
banks, as well as earnings of private Americans who have invested in
foreign stocks and other foreign securities.
We should have learned that no nation can deal with its inter
national difficulties alone. No actions taken by this country to
deal with its balance of payments deficit can succeed if other nations
pursue policies designed to maintain lasting surpluses.
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One such matter is the question of equitable sharing of defense
and economic aid expenses. A currency realignment of the right
proportions, if permitted by other countries could restore a signifi
cantly large surplus in the U. S. balance of merchandise trade and
services. Then, offshore dollar defense expenditures and dollar aid
outlays might continue to be carried by this country without incurring
continued large U. S. balance of payments deficits.
Everything considered, however, it might be politically less
onerous for our trading partners to accept a larger share of the
defense and aid costs rather than to impose upon their own industries
the competitive disadvantages implicit in a large U. S. merchandise
trade surplus.
All one can be sure of is the virtual impossibility of restoring
equilibrium to the U. S. balance of payments unless agreements are made
to achieve either a large U. S. surplus on merchandise trade and ser
vices or a more equitable sharing of the costs of defense and economic
aid.
On the other hand, if we expect the cooperation of other nations,
we must exercise responsibility in restraining inflation in such a
way as to minimize any adverse impact of our own economy upon other
nations. Our dominant size in the world economy and massive influence
on the economies of other nations make this responsibility particularly
acute. In other words, we cannot pursue a policy of "benign neglect"
toward the rest of the world.
Through growing and frequent central bank consultation, the use
of central bank swap networks, the creation of special drawing rights,
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and other developments, we have made significant advances in dealing
with many international monetary problems* But we should have learned
that these international problems cannot be solved solely by financial
policies.
There has. been a tendency to rely far too heavily upon monetary
policy to achieve both domestic goals and international equilibrium,
while applying international tax, trade, and investment policies in
a piecemeal and often haphazard fashion*
Past policies, in fact, may have significantly delayed needed
international adjustments* Consequently, the international adjustments
necessary now are likely to be more difficult and painful as a result
of such delays.
The Administration's move to bring about these adjustments by
unilaterally closing the gold window and applying a 10-percent import
surtax is fraught with risk. One danger is that foreign governments
may respond somewhat emotionally, perhaps by erecting trade barriers
to U. S. products and investment in retaliation for our actions.
Most U. S. officials and businessmen are convinced that the
maintenance of trade barriers has adversely affected U. S. merchan
dise trade performance in addition to the burden of our own past
inflationary excesses. Of course, we too, have resorted to trade
barriers. In fact, such barriers may have contributed to some extent
to our present inflationary problems.
In the interest of building a better international economic
system for the future, the present need for sweeping realignments in
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—
currency values may thus provide a unique opportunity for progress in
reducing nontariff barriers to trade and barriers to free investment
flows.
In the present world of rapid change * some difficulties have
resulted from our failure to develop new policies to keep abreast of
these changes. The Eurodollar market is a prime illustration. During
the 1960*8, this market grew much more rapidly than the capacity of
policymakers and economists to fully understand it, and this failure
to understand partially contributed to the aggravation of international
monetary problems earlier this year.
In placing restrictions on international trade and investment,
policymakers may not have given sufficient consideration to the
benefits received from the increasing economic integration brought
about by international trade and investment flows.
Shifts in investment patterns by multinational corporations
searching for production at lowest cost sites improve the efficiency
of their operations. Countries receiving such investment enjoy a
stimulus to economic growth, while American shareholders in these
companies benefit from increased profits. Moreover, consumers in
the United States and foreign countries benefit from the better quality
and lower cost of the goods produced by these corporations.
If nations are to achieve a sound and workable international
payments system, our horizons must be broadened and, ideally, the
economic and financial policies of individual nations developed jointly.
At the same time, these policies should be flexible enough to
permit the maximum benefits from free enterprise operating on an
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international scale, just as we derive benefits from free enterprise
operating within our individual countries. These benefits include
greater variety, better quality, and lower prices on goods available
to Americans and, at the same time, maximum returns on investments
of American citizens and businesses. This means keeping restrictions
on international trade, payments, and investments to a minimum.
The disarray in international financial markets, resulting
from the new U. S« initiatives and from the events of recent months
that made those initiatives necessary, creates both promising and
threatening possibilities. If the parties to the negotiations are
prepared to be flexible in hammering out new arrangements with an eye
to the long-term needs of the international economic system, we have
a once-in-a-generation opportunity to make changes that will benefit
everyone. On the other hand, if the negotiations are stymied by
adamant insistence upon short-run national interests so that the
talks drag on in an atmosphere of growing frustration and acrimony,
then the progress of the past 25 years toward freer movement of goods,
capital, and people could be undone. One may devoutly hope that all
involved are aware of the alternatives and will move responsibly.
In summary, there is an excess in the supply of dollars held by
foreigners above the amount they require to pay for purchases from us.
A moderate devaluation would temporarily favor exports over imports.
But it is not a permanent solution. Correction of our adverse balance
of payments and preservation of the dollar as an important inter
national currency must be done by ourselves, not by others.
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Competitiveness in world markets depends upon:
1. Bringing labor costs into line with productivity;
2. Increasing the rate of productivity gain by upgrading
the labor force;
3. Providing the labor force with more and better capital
equipment; and
4. Rededicating ourselves to the task of restraining
inflation.
As U. S. competitiveness improves, the surplus dollars held
abroad will be sent home in purchase of our exports.
If we fail to pursue policies calculated to bring about equilib
rium in our economic relationships with the rest of the world, we can
look forward to a rather bleak set of alternatives. We can expect to
see the world economy broken up into currency and trading blocs, with
increasing restrictions placed on international trade and investment.
Such a breakdown can be expected to generate increasing economic
inefficiency for all nations. This inefficiency will be reflected in
slower economic growth, lower profits, lower returns on investment,
and increasing inflationary pressures. These are alternatives we, in
cooperation with other nations, must strive to avoid.
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Cite this document
APA
Monroe Kimbrel (1971, November 16). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19711117_monroe_kimbrel
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19711117_monroe_kimbrel,
author = {Monroe Kimbrel},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1971},
month = {Nov},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19711117_monroe_kimbrel},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}