speeches · October 24, 1971
Regional President Speech
Monroe Kimbrel · President
THE AMERICAN DOLLAR
Remarks by
Monroe Kimbrel
President
Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta
Presented at
Rotary Club of Atlanta
Atlanta, Georgia
October 25, 1971
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THE AMERICAN DOLLAR
The once proud American dollar has been shaken from its
place of eminence in world currencies. The dollar has been in
trouble and every unfavorable development has set off a fresh spasm
of concern around the world* In a short telecast a few weeks ago,
President Nixon moved the problem to center stage.
Perhaps the most frequent question is: How did we get into
this mess? What turned our economy from its posture of dynamic
growth into a pattern of stagnation, high inflation, high unemployment,
and a weakened currency? The answer is complicated.
International trade and finance involve technicalities and
complexities understood only by professionals and not always by them.
Without entering into details, which are somewhat mysterious and
controversial, the causes of the balance of payments predicament now
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engulfing the U. S. can be simply and briefly stated:
1. We have grossly mismanaged our budget and fiscal
affairs, incurring deficits, piling up debt and allowing
the dollar to decline in domestic purchasing power to
less than half its value 40 years ago.
2. We have had enormous self-conceit in financing the defense
of the democratic faith throughout the world.
3. We have been indifferent to the widening gap between the
cost of labor and productivity0
In consequence, we have flooded the world with dollars and
priced ourselves out of a good part of the international trade market.
The oversupply of dollars naturally resulted in a great weakness of the
dollar in foreign exchange markets.
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Because attitudes play such an important part in the value
of any currency, the apprehensions among world financiers intensified
the very weakness that frightened them. Speculation against the
dollar mounted steadily.
Early in August, gratuitous advice flowed freely from leading
European merchant banks. They included: get out of the Viet-Nam
war, cut military costs in Europe, curb corporate investment overseas,
and keep interest rates high enough to attract both foreign investments
and hot money.
Increasingly, though, European financial men appeared convinced
that the U. S. would not take enough such steps quickly enough to avert
dollar devaluation.
One European banker commented, MCertainly it is difficult for
us to dictate monetary policy to a nation as strong as the United States,
but, M he boasted, "we can discount their dollars if we have to take
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them and the less we like the dollars the more we can discount them. ”
Vacationing Americans learned with a jolt what this meant by first
hand experiences. Hotel cashiers handed over no more for the dollar
than was necessary. Americans with travelers checks paid high
premiums to get Swiss francs, German marks, Italian lira, and French
francs. The dollar was treated as a second-class currency.
A substantial part of our current problems stems from the
long inflationary binge since 1965. Through 1968, the inflation was
generated by large budget deficits connected with the Viet-Nam war
which created excessive demand pressures in an already fully employed
economy. More recently, however, a kind of inflation has emerged
that has not responded to the classic prescription for control. It has
been described as a wage-cost push, a product of the extravagant terms
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of wage contracts imposed by labor leaders on business concerns
under the threat or the impact of industry-wide strikes. Both parties
have been aware that the high cost of such wage deals would be passed
along to consumers in higher prices.
Certainly, the more an individual worker can add to product,
the better should be his pay. In lieu of individual measurement, output
per manhour is used as a yardstick for productivity gains in the private
economy. A wage increase determined by productivity gain v/ould not
require offsetting price increases. Hence, it would not be inflationary.
Wage increases that equal total increases in output would be in error,
however, since this would impute the entire gain in productivity to
labor. The fact is that productivity gains are a result of the joint
contribution of all productive factors.
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A more equitable distribution would allow some part of the
productivity gain to the owners of capital. Going a step further, the
general well-being would be enhanced if some part of the gain were
shared by consumers through lower prices.
We should have learned several lessons in dealing with recurring
crises over the last decade. If these lessons are ignored, we can
expect some of the difficulties to linger or reappear.
The popular view has been that when international policy needs
conflict with domestic economic goals we could somehow muddle through
international problems without a great deal of loss. International
transactions may not play as large a role in the U. S. economy as they
do in other nations, but their importance is nevertheless significant.
From m id-1970, attempts to stimulate growth in output and
employment with a still high rate of inflation was undoubtedly frustrated
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in part by a high rate of imports. Yet these imports were a symptom,
of a much more fundamental cause; that is, the cumulative effects of
a high rate of inflation during the latter part of the 1960!s that had
made U. S. producers increasingly less competitive with foreign
producers. Reducing imports through quotas or other means without
restoring U. S. competitiveness would only have dealt with symptoms
while aggravating inflationary pressures.
The August 15 actions in the international area and the responses
of foreign governments will have widespread effects upon American
consumers and businessmen. These actions do not automatically solve
our international difficulties. Rather, they put the rest of the world on
notice that we were no longer willing to attempt the resolution of our
difficulties under what had become an increasingly less workable
international payments system.
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Meanwhile, our officials have expressed a desire and a
willingness to negotiate a new system, a system that would be more
equitable in sharing the burdens of international economic adjustments
and hopefully in the long run would benefit all nations.
American consumers must now pay higher prices for the
variety of foreign goods, such as cars and televisions that we import.
These higher prices may have the effect of marginally reducing the
real standard of living of many Americans.
In contrast, a number of American businesses competing with
foreign imports will gain some temporary advantages, since the price
competition from foreign producers will be less severe. But unless
these companies increase productivity, such advantages soon may be
dissipated. Other American, businesses may find their costs rising
as a result of the higher prices they must pay for imported foreign
components.
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Many large American corporations and banks with extensive
overseas operations are already finding that the wide array of foreign
exchange controls are hampering their operations. Consequently,
these controls may reduce foreign earnings of these corporations and
banks, as well as earnings of private Americans who have invested in
foreign stocks and other foreign securities.
We should have learned that no nation can deal with its inter
national difficulties alone. No actions taken by this country to deal
with its balance of payments deficit can succeed if other nations pursue
policies designed to maintain lasting surpluses.
One such matter is the question of equitable sharing of defense
and economic aid expenses. If other countries are prepared to permit
a currency realignment that could restore a significantly large surplus.
in the U. S. balance of merchandise trade and services, then offshore
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dollar defense expenditures and dollar aid outlays might continue to
be carried by this country without incurring continued large U. S.
balance of payments deficit.
Everything considered, however, it might be politically less
onerous for our trading partners to accept a larger share of the defense
and aid cost rather than impose upon their own industries the competitive
disadvantages that would be implied by a large U. S. merchandise trade
surplus.
All that one can be sure of is that it will be virtually impossible
for equilibrium to be restored to the U. S. balance of payments unless
either a large U. S. trade surplus or a more equitable defense and
economic aid sharing is agreed upon.
On the other hand, if we expect the cooperation of other nations,
we must exercise responsibility in restraining inflation in such a way
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as to minimize any adverse impact of our own economy upon other
nations. Our dominant size in the world economy and correspondingly
massive influence on the economies of other nations make this
responsibility particularly acute. To put it in other words, we cannot
pursue a policy of "benign neglect” toward the rest of the world.
The difficult lesson we have learned is that these international
problems cannot be solved solely by financial policies. At the same
time, through growing and frequent central bank consultation, the use
of central bank swap networks, the creation of special drawing rights,
and other developments, we have made significant advances in dealing
with many international monetary problems.
There has been a tendency to rely far too heavily upon monetary
policy to achieve both domestic goals and international equilibrium
while applying international tax, trade, and investment policies in a
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piecemeal and often haphazard fashion.
In fact, past policies may have significantly delayed needed
international adjustments by distorting such flows. Consequently, the
international adjustments that must be made now are likely to be more
difficult and painful.
The unilateral move by the Administration to close the gold
window and apply a 10 percent import surtax is fraught with risk. One
danger is that foreign governments may respond somewhat emotionally,
perhaps erecting trade barriers to U. S. products in retaliation for
our actions.
Most U. S. officials and businessmen are convinced that however
guilty this country might be in the maintenance of such trade barriers,
most other developed countries are much more guilty. If this is the
case, U. S. merchandise trade performance is being adversely affected
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by artificial restraints in addition to the burden of our past inflationary
excesses.
In the interest of building a better international economic
system for the future, however, the present need for sweeping realign
ments in currency values may also provide a unique opportunity for
progress in reducing nontariff barriers to trade and barriers to free
investment flows.
In the present world of rapid change, some difficulties have
stemmed from our failure to develop new policies to keep abreast of
these changes. The Eurodollar market is a prime illustration. During
the 1960fs, this market grew much more rapidly than the capacity of
policymakers and economists to fully understand it, and this failure
to understand partially contributed to the aggravation of international
monetary problems earlier this year.
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While placing restrictions on international trade and invest
ment, policymakers may not have given sufficient consideration to the
benefits received from the increasing economic integration brought
about by international trade and investment flows.
Shifts in investment patterns by multinational corporations
searching for production at lowest-cost sites improve the efficiency of
their operations. Countries receiving such investment enjoy a stimulus
to economic growth while American shareholders in these companies
benefit from increased profits.
If nations are to achieve a sound and workable international
payments system, our horizons must be broadened and, ideally, the
economic and financial policies of individual nations developed jointly.
At the same time, these policies should be flexible enough to
permit the maximum benefits from free enterprise operating on an
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international scale just as we derive benefits from free enterprise
operating within our individual countries. These benefits include a
greater variety, better quality and lower prices on goods available to
Americans and, at the same time, maximum returns on investments
of both American citizens and businesses. This means keeping
restrictions on international trade, payments, and investments to a
minimum.
The disarray in international financial markets resulting from
the new U. S. initiatives and from the events of recent months that
made those initiatives necessary creates both promising and threatening
possibilities. If the parties to the negotiations lire prepared to be
flexible in hammering out new arrangements with an eye to the long-term
needs of the international economic system, we have a once-in-a-
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generation opportunity to make changes that will benefit everyone.
On the other hand, if the negotiations are stymied by adamant insistence
upon short-run national interests so that the talks drag on in an atmos
phere of growing frustration and acrimony, then the progress of the
past 25 years toward freer movement of goods, capital, and people
could be undoneo One may confidently trust that all involved are aware
of the alternatives and will move responsibly.
In summary, there is an excess supply of dollars held by
foreigners above what they require to pay for purchases from us. A
moderate devaluation would temporarily favor exports over imports.
But it is not a permanent solution. Correction of our adverse trade
balance and preservation of the dollar as an important currency in world
trade must be done by ourselves, not by others. Competitiveness in
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world markets depends:
1. On bringing labor costs into line with productivity;
2. Increasing the rate of productivity gain by upgrading the
labor force;
3. Providing it with more and better capital equipment; and
4. Rededicating ourselves to the task of restraining inflation.
As this happens, the surplus dollars held abroad will be sent
home in purchase of our exports.
If we fail to pursue policies calculated to bring about equilibrium
in our economic relationships with the rest of the world, we can look
forward to a rather bleak set of alternatives. We can expect to see the
world economy broken up into currency and trading blocks with increasing
restrictions placed on international trade and investment. Such a
breakdown can be expected to generate increasing economic inefficiency
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for all nations. This inefficiency will be reflected in slower economic
growth, lower profits, lower returns on investment, and increasing
inflationary pressures. These are alternatives we, in cooperation
with other nations, must strive to avoid.
October 25, 1971
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Cite this document
APA
Monroe Kimbrel (1971, October 24). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19711025_monroe_kimbrel
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19711025_monroe_kimbrel,
author = {Monroe Kimbrel},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1971},
month = {Oct},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19711025_monroe_kimbrel},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}