speeches · July 14, 1971
Regional President Speech
Bruce K. MacLaury · President
THE CASE FOR AN INCOMES POLICY NOW
Remarks
by
Bruce K. MacLaury
President
Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis
at
Helena, Montana
July 15, 1971
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The Case for an Incomes Policy Now
As the fledgling President in the Federal Reserve System, I probably
should be seeking to maintain a low profile for awhile, rather than taking
the first opportunity to speak out on a subject that has become increasingly
controversial in recent weeks. But it seems to me that the case for an
incomes policy in this country to restrain price and wage increases has
become so persuasive that I would be ducking responsibility if I did not state
my belief that we need to implement such a policy now.
Let me make clear that I am not advocating mandatory price and wage
controls. Rather, the essence of an incomes policy, as I see it, is that
the public interest be effectively represented in major decisions on prices
and wages, including all forms of compensation. The time has come to bury
our differences on details and abandon our search for perfect solutions, and
instead set our minds to find workable approaches to slow the pace of wage
and price advances. In saying this, I am stating not just my personal belief,
but that of the directors of the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis and the
directors of the Helena Branch. These men, whose counsels are widely
respected in their individual fields, have long been concerned, as I am,
about the persistence of inflation in the U. S. and believe as I do, that the
adoption of some form of incomes policy would help extricate this nation from
the dilemma of excessive unemployment and continuing inflation in which we
now find ourselves. The concern on the part of the Minneapolis directors
goes back many months, and it was at their urging that I am stating these
views today.
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Among Federal Reserve officials, of course, I am certainly no heretic
in calling for new initiatives in the area of incomes policies. On the con
trary, if anything, I am a Johnny-come-lately, though not just a recent
convert. As long ago as December, Chairman Burns in a widely reported
address on the West Coast stated that he had come to the conclusion -
"that it would be desirable to supplement our
monetary and fiscal policies with an incomes policy,
in the hope of thus shortening the period between
suppression of excess demand and the restoration of
reasonable relations of wages, productivity and prices."
He went on to list an array of measures that could be implemented or strengthened
to "change the structure and functioning of commodity and labor markets in
ways that reduce upward pressures on costs and prices." His list, a long
one, included the establishment of regional productivity councils which would,
in his words, "find ways of improving the efficiency of American industry."
It also included the establishment of a high level Price and Wage Review
Board which, while lacking enforcement power, would have broad authority to
investigate, advise and recommend on price and wage changes.
A couple of months later, before the Joint Economic Committee,
Dr. Burns reiterated his position in the following terms:
"We are thus confronted with what is, practically
speaking, a new problem. A recovery in economic
activity appears to be getting under way at a time
when the rate of inflation is still exceptionally
high. The stimulative thrust of present monetary
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and fiscal policies is needed to assure the resump
tion of economic growth and a reduction in unemploy
ment. But unless we find ways to curb the advance
of costs and prices, policies that stimulate
aggregate demand run the risk of releasing fresh
forces of inflation.
"In view of this new problem, it is the
considered judgment of the Federal Reserve Board
that, under present conditions, monetary and
fiscal policies need to be supplemented with an
incomes policy ..."
Finally, just three weeks ago, in testimony before Congressional
committees, the Chairman stated:
"With increasing conviction, I have come to believe
that our nation must supplement monetary and fiscal
policies with specific policies to moderate wage and
price increases."
The repetition of this recommendation, in increasingly strong terms,
reflects, I believe, a growing concern that exclusive persistent reliance on
policies aimed at aggregate demand alone will exact an unnecessarily high
price from our economy, either in terms of prolonged levels of high unemployment,
or in terms of protracted inflation. The fact is that more than six months
have now elapsed since Dr. Burns put forward his suggestion for the adoption
of an incomes policy. During this period, we have seen the unemployment rate
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remain in the vicinity of six percent, and the so-called capacity utiliza
tion rate, which measures manufacturers' use of plant and equipment, remains
in the vicinity of 73 percent. Yet it is difficult to find convincing
evidence that the rate of increase in prices and wages has tapered off,
despite the persistence of a high level of unused resources.
Last summer people were taking comfort from the fact that wholesale
industrial price increases seemed to be slowing. But the more recent figures
for the winter and spring months show increases in the four percent plus
range. Likewise, the broadest measure of price performance in our economy, the
so-called GNP deflator, again moved up at more than a five percent annual rate
in the fourth quarter of last year and the first quarter of '71, after a
couple of quarters of seeming improvement. The index of consumer prices,
which registered remarkably small increases in the first four months of the
year, may be giving false signals. While the CPI has recently been increasing
at a less rapid rate than a year ago, it would be foolish, especially with the
recent sharp increases in the WPI and the GNP deflator, to conclude that
inflation is nearly at an end.
I do not believe that it is, partly because of what has been happening
to wage settlements. It looked for awhile as though some progress was being
made toward reduced settlements in major collective bargaining situations.
But the figures for the first quarter of this year - the latest available -
show wage and benefit changes over the contract life higher than a year ago.
And while it is risky to generalize from a few well-publicized settlements in
particular industries in the last few months, I certainly have no impression
that wage demands are going to subside of their own accord, despite high
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unemployment. Nor 1s there any reason to expect that they should, given the
developments on the price front and the absence of any mechanism for distributing
the needed "sacrifices" in some equitable fashion.
There are differing explanations for why our inflation has been so
persistent. Some economists and public officials believe it is because
the inflation of 1965-70 was so pronounced. Others believe that for a variety
of reasons, it today would require greater unemployment than it did a decade
ago to ensure the same degree of price stability. But whatever the explana
tion for the persistence of our inflation, an incomes policy can help at
this juncture to bring it to an end and thereby allow a safer and speedier
return to high levels of employment.
Now, I am well aware that Treasury Secretary Connally, for whom I
have a great deal of respect, has just recently said that the President
isn't going to institute a wage-price review board. But I see no reason why
this should be taken as a statement of an unchangeable position. Indeed, the
Secretary went on to say that Mr. Nixon is "an activist President" who will
be watching very closely as economic developments unfold. And the fact is
that the Administration has moved gradually in the direction of a more
activist policy in the area of incomes and prices.
A little over a year ago in a speech on the economy, the President
announced the establishment of a National Commission on Productivity, and
inaugurated the so-called Inflation Alerts, issued periodically by the Council
of Economic Advisers. These were modest beginnings, but I think it is
significant that each Inflation Alert has become a bit more specific, and has
pointed to the problems created by excessive wage settlements in forthcoming
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as well as past labor negotiations. Similarly, the Administration reacted
to price increases for gasoline and steel in ways that not only indicated
its displeasure, but sought to bring pressure for reduced increases, or
rollbacks.
Perhaps the best publicized of the Administration's efforts to come
to grips with excessive wage settlements has been in the construction industry
where, by executive order, the President established a Construction Industry
Stabilization Committee, supplemented by craft dispute boards. According
to the order, the Stabilization Committee was established to "assure generally
conformance of any increase in any wage or salary in the construction
industry. . ." to the norms set forth in the order.
It is still too early to tell how successful this experiment in one
industry is likely to be. But reports indicate that increases in construction
contract settlements, which were running at nearly a seventeen percent annual
rate in the first quarter, have averaged a bit above nine percent since
April 6. Admittedly, the settlements approved so far have been outside major
construction areas. Moreover, the government has a degree of influence in
the construction industry that it does not have, at least in the same form,
in other industries. It can ignore, for purposes of determining going wage
rates on government-related construction, those settlements that are not
approved by the Committee. In effect, this means a selective suspension of
the provisions of the Davis-Bacon Act. Finally, it could be argued that
construction is a special case in that unemployment in that industry is
currently running over ten percent. But it is precisely in order to bring
market forces - in this case, excess labor - more quickly to bear on wage
settlements that incomes boards can serve the public interest.
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Another area where the President has put forward an interesting and
potentially important proposal concerns the machinery for contract settlements
in the transportation industry. As I understand the proposal, it would require
the bargaining parties to put forward successive offers until neither side was
prepared to improve its terms. At that point, an impartial board would select
the offer that it determined to be most equitable. The basic idea, of course,
is to induce each side to put forward "realistic" offers for fear that failure
to do so would lead to selection of the other side's terms. It seems to me
that this type of system, which essentially involves binding arbitration, might
be adapted to other industries, particularly regulated industries, and could,
and probably should, be expanded to take into account the broader public
interest in such settlements.
Finally, I should note that just two weeks ago, the President took the
initiative in calling together the parties negotiating a settlement in the
steel industry. Although press reports indicate that no guidelines were dis
cussed, the conversation itself demonstrates the Administration's concern over
wage developments, not least in their implications for the competitiveness of
U. S. industries in world trade and for the U. S. balance of payments.
This recitation of some of the areas in which the Administration has
already taken an active role in stating the public interest in wage and price
decisions - and the list could be expanded - indicates, I believe, that it
would not be a new departure for the President to move a step further in
the direction of an incomes policy. In fact, the various actions taken in
the past have collectively been described by the Administration itself as
a form of incomes policy.
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At the same time, the fact that the actions taken to date could be
described as a form of incomes policy underlines a major problem in dealing
with this subject - namely, that different people mean very different things
when they come to describe what, in their mind, constitutes an incomes
policy. It is clear, I'm sure, that I share Dr. Burns' view that the sum
total of what has been done so far in this area is not enough. But it does
not follow that we need to jump all the way to mandatory price and wage
controls. In this respect, I fully agree with the Administration's latest
statanent of policy. Rather, I think we need some mechanism that will enable
us as a nation to break the link that has caused wage settlements in one
industry after another to be based in large part on anticipated further
increases in prices, and to break that link in as equitable a manner as
possible.
There is no escape from the logic that wage increases in excess of
productivity growth result in rising prices. This basic truth is the founda
tion on which a successful incomes policy in the long run must rest. And in
the long run, it may suffice to have nothing more in the way of implementing
machinery than the annual reports of the Council of Economic Advisers, which
did much to spread this gospel in the first half of the 1960s.
But the long run in this sense can begin only after we have succeeded
in reestablishing a degree of price stability that is not yet in sight. For
if the logic of this first proposition is clear, so is the practical logic
that workers will not be content to see the gains which productivity increases
should have brought them eroded and made meaningless by inflation. What is
needed now, in other words, is a temporary mechanism to ease the transition
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back to relative price stability. For this type of assignment, I am aware
of no better model than that already established in the construction industry,
with whatever qualifications may be needed to adapt and expand it for applica
tion to other industries.
Review boards for other industries might work from a simple formula:
that wage increases not exceed the increase in the cost of living plus some
proportion, perhaps one-half, of the increase in trend productivity. I offer
this formula only as one possibility. At a minimum, it would assure wage
earners of some increase in real income, and yet permit a gradual return to
more stable prices. There are other ways, I am sure, which would make equity
consistent with a return to price stability.
But I am frankly less concerned about the particular mechanism adopted
for introducing the public interest into the price and wage decision-making
process than I am that some meaningful step be taken in this direction, and
taken soon.
I am well aware that an incomes policy, in whatever form, can do little
in the absence of appropriate monetary and fiscal policies. But I frankly think
that monetary policy has already provided as much stimulus for economic re
covery as can usefully be applied under present conditions. Indeed, my
impression is that financial markets, both domestic and foreign, are concerned
that the growth of monetary aggregates in recent months has been overly rapid,
to the point of jeopardizing further progress toward price stability. I
believe such fears, while they cannot be entirely dismissed, are probably
exaggerated, particularly in light of the slower growth that can be expected
to accompany a gradual recovery in the economy in the months ahead.
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I am also aware that incomes policies, in the forms they have been
tried in other countries, have no clear record of success. In fact, Milton
Friedman, in a Newsweek article in January, characterized any effort to
implement an incomes policy in the United States as simply "imitating failure."
He said that any such policy "is based on neither experience nor analysis
but simply on the 'For God's sake, let's do something' syndrome."
If that were the only case to be made for an incomes policy, I would
still be tempted to say "let's do something." But I think the case rests on
more solid ground, the very ground that Friedman himself accepts as analytically
valid: to shorten the delayed impact of an inflationary episode after excess
demand has been eliminated.
I have concentrated my attention this evening on the need for
an effective incomes policy and, I hope, given you some idea of the kind of
policy I favor. But even if we had already established an effective incomes
policy, we could not relax. For there is an inflationary bias in many of
the laws, institutions and practices of this country that must be reduced or
eliminated if we are to cope successfully with the needs and pressures of
today's world. Some of these practices, in the labor area, for example,
date back to the depression days of the '30s; others, such as the call for
import restrictions, have become more of a problem only recently. But
changing laws, institutions and practices, however necessary, takes time.
This is why I have here stressed the need for an effective incomes policy.
Establishing such a policy is something we can do today. Even if not a
fundamental solution to the problem of inflation, it is still very much worth
doing. We can then proceed to other items of unfinished business.
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Cite this document
APA
Bruce K. MacLaury (1971, July 14). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19710715_bruce_k_maclaury
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19710715_bruce_k_maclaury,
author = {Bruce K. MacLaury},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1971},
month = {Jul},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19710715_bruce_k_maclaury},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}