speeches · November 15, 1970
Regional President Speech
Monroe Kimbrel · President
HOW WILL THE SOUTH'S ECONOMY
FARE IN THE NEXT DECADE?
An address before the
Annual Convention of the
Southern Newspaper Publishers Association
Boca Raton, Florida
November 16-17, 1970
by
Monroe Kimbrel, President
Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta
FOR RELEASE MONDAY, NOVEMBER 16, 1970, P.M
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HOW WILL THE SOUTH’S ECONOMY FARE IN THE NEXT DECADE?
An Address before the
Annual Convention of
Southern Newspapers Publishers Association
Boca Raton, Florida
November 16-17, 1970
by
Monroe Kimbrel, President
Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta
Today I am going to discuss with you some views on the way the South's
economy will fare in the next decade. In considering this extremely intriguing
question, I am going to talk against the background of the work which I have
to do in connection with my official position with the Federal Reserve Bank
of Atlanta.
I have to devote a great part of my time to wrestling with the hard problem
of trying to help decide upon the appropriate monetary policies that will
contribute to achieving for the United States sustainable economic growth,
some stability in prices, and a reasonable long-run balance of payments. This
is part of my responsibility because the decision-making process of the Federal
Reserve System provides for regional participation in policy formation. One
of its most important aspects is the regular attendance by the presidents of
the twelve Federal Reserve Banks at the meetings of the Federal Open Market
Committee. Along with the presidents of the eleven other Federal Reserve
Banks, I am expected to approach policy problems from the point of view of
the national interest. However, as part of that task the president of each
Bank is expected to be especially well acquainted with the impact of Federal
Reserve policy on his own District and with developments in his own area that
seem relevant to national policy considerations.
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I am going to talk in terms of this background rather than providing
you with any neat package of statistics. I am not, as you know, an expert
regional scientist, demographer, nor economic forecaster. Therefore, it seems
to me that I will do best by sharing with you some of the impressions I have
gained during the course of my work that appear to me to have a bearing upon
the question of the South's economic future.
This experience of playing the dual role of having to consider the impact
of monetary and credit policies on the nation's economy and how they fit in
with the developments in the Southern region served by the Federal Reserve
Bank of Atlanta--which roughly covers the states of Alabama, Florida, Georgia,
Louisiana, Mississippi, and Tennessee--has led me to reach two general but
important conclusions. First, I have been impressed by how economic and finan
cial developments in the South more often than not parallel those of other
parts of the country. In the second place, I am becoming more and more impressed
about how important the human factor is in the way the economy behaves.
During the rest of the time allotted to me I am going to discuss some
of the reasons for this close interrelationship between the economy of the
South and the rest of the country. Then I shall talk a little bit about what
seems to be the pattern of economic developments for the United States in
the future. I shall then try to point out how the South's economy in the next
decade or so will fit into this picture.
First, let us turn to the close resemblance between the way the Southern
and the national economies behave.
A few years ago when I began to report on economic and financial develop
ments in the South at the meetings I attended at the Board of Governors in
Washington, I had rather expected that I would be provided by our economic
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staff with figures that would show striking differences between the behavior
of the economy in that part of the South served by my Bank and that of the
rest of the country. For example, I was hopeful that I might startle the
other members of the Committee by stating that, despite a sharp decline in
employment in the country as a whole, the South's was expanding strongly.
Or that bank loans in the South were declining sharply while those in the
rest of the country were rising. I soon learned, however, that I have very
few opportunities to make such dramatic statements. I found that when employ
ment was rising in the Sixth Federal Reserve District it was also rising
elsewhere and that if banks were making fewer loans here banks in other parts
of the country were also cutting down on their lending.
There were some differences, of course, but they were largely matters
of degree rather than direction. During the years 1967-69, for example, when
nonfarm employment in the nation was rising steadily, I was happy to be able
to report that employment in the Sixth District was rising at a slightly greater
rate. But the differences were relatively minor. And such is the current
situation. Manufacturing employment is down from last year in the nation,
and so it is in the Sixth District although I am happy to observe that the
decline is a little less in our area.
I do not mean to convey the idea that there are no economic developments
in specific areas of the South that run contrary to national developments.
There are many of them at any time. Currently, for instance, because of the
importance of the space program to certain areas in our Federal Reserve Dis
trict these areas are being depressed more than other parts of the country.
But here again the impact has come from national and not strictly Southern
developments.
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A Different South
Forty years ago--that is, in 1930--the South was without doubt an extremely
different economic area. Its per capita personal income was a little less
than half of what it was for the country as a whole. Consequently, at one
time it may have been appropriate, when considering economic developments in
the South, to concentrate attention on Southern developments. When I am speak
ing about the South, I am talking specifically about the Southeast as defined
by the U. S. Department of Commerce. It is an area roughly the same as the
area from which the membership of this association is drawn. It does not
include Oklahoma and Texas, which the Department of Commerce classifies as
belonging to the Southwest. Nevertheless, the twelve-state Commerce region
of the Southeast is fairly representative enough of your entire membership
area.
Things have changed, as all of us know. Those of us who have witnessed
these changes day by day and year by year may not realize sometimes how great
they have been. Last year per capita income in the Southeast was just a little
less than 80 percent of the national average. In Texas and Oklahoma, the
percentage figures were 91 and 80 percent, respectively.
To change, of course, from a per capita income position just about half
as great as the nation's to one with per capita income about four-fifths of
the national average has required a greater rate of economic growth in the
South than elsewhere. During the last four decades the Southeast has consistently
been classified as a fast-growing region in terms of per capita income.
One of the reasons for the rapid growth was that in the economic setting
of the period the South's water, sunshine, and an ample labor supply gave
the South a comparative advantage in the production of certain goods for export
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to other regions. These factors lay behind the development of the pulp and
paper industry, chemicals, apparel, textiles, and electrical machinery manu
facturing industries.
In the process the structure of the South's economy underwent substantial
changes. As the South shifted from agriculture as a chief source of income
to manufacturing and the provision of services, more people moved to the cities.
The South became more urban. A growing income made it possible to improve
the ability of the South to educate its children. The median school years
completed has come closer to equality to the rest of the United States in
the last twenty years.
The Potential for National Growth
Because the South's economy has become so much more like the nation's,
the major forces shaping the South's economic future are undoubtedly going
to be very similar to those shaping the nation's. Indeed, this is what happened
in the '60s. About 88 percent of the Southeast's income growth in the last
decade can be linked to national income growth, according to a U. S. Department
of Commerce study. Not to recognize the importance of national economic
developments to the South's future economy is to be the slave of defunct ideas
about the South.
One thing evident about the nation's future is that we are going to have
more people. The U. S. Bureau of the Census projects that the nation's popula
tion will increase by over one-fifth to between 240 and 245 million by 1985.
Living will be more congested. By 1985 three-fourths of our national population
will live in metropolitan areas, whereas today only two-thirds is concentrated
in such areas. It will be a young population, with one-third of the expected
increase coming in the 25-to-34 age group.
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Of these population trends we can be reasonably certain. However, what
does this population growth imply for economic growth? A study made by the
U. S. Bureau of the Census suggests that the average family income could rise
from $8,600 today to $15,000 in 1985 measured in dollars of constant purchasing
power. According to this study, growth in the gross national product could
be over half again its present level measured in real terms.
These projections of a much more affluent society, of course, are based
upon certain assumptions, chief of which is that growth will continue much
as in the past. But if our past experience is any guide, we know that this
sort of economic growth will require large amounts of capital, a more productive
labor force, good management of natural resources, and additions to what has
been termed social overhead capital, including the transportation system,
communications, education, law enforcement, provision for health, and all those
forces that are required for an advancing and smoothly functioning modern
economy.
Over the long run, the capital investment required for economic growth
must come from saving in one form or another. Consumption must be less than
total production if part of the resources are to be devoted to creating the
machines, buildings, roads, and social overhead capital required for future
production. In a free society this saving depends largely upon the decisions
made by individuals.
One of the influences that might make the consumer more willing to save
would be the assurance that his dollars saved will be worth as much or more
in the future as they now are. In the past few years this has not been the
case, since with the rising price level the purchasing power of accumulated
savings has steadily declined. This is a problem we are facing right now.
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And if I sometimes seem slightly old-fashioned in harping on the need to bring
inflation under control, it is partly because I see the great need for the
accumulation of capital, which under traditional American methods has been
dependent upon the savings of individuals and businesses.
The economic growth that has been projected as being possible can occur
only by the continued increase in the productivity of our labor force. There
is, of course, the need for continuing quality education. Further productivity
can come by assuring that each worker is given the opportunity of acquiring
the skill and experience enabling him to utilize his full capabilities regard
less of his original background.
If we are going to have the kind of affluent society that will double
family income by 1985, we shall need to spend more for education, better trans
portation, communications, law enforcement, and the provision of health services.
It is clear that provision for many of these needs must come from governmental
action. These are matters that may be touched upon by the other speakers on
the panel. They will no doubt point out the increasing needs for what we have
termed social overhead capital resulting from the greater congestion associated
with the increase in population and greater urbanization. They may also point
out that, if some of these problems are to be handled, there will need to be
a great deal of effective planning.
All this suggests that human decisions will largely govern the kind of
economic growth this country is going to have in the next decade or so. We
all realize more and more the fragile character of our sophisticated economic
machine. We know our economic system cannot create economic growth should
this fragile society in which people can live together and co-operate in the
economic process of producing income be destroyed.
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If we were to meet ten years from now and were to look back at what had
happened in the 1970s and were to conclude that the kind of economic growth
set out as a possibility had been achieved, I think that we should have to
be able to describe the preceding ten years as something like the following:
The 1970s was the decade of an open society. Simultaneously with the production
of wealth, the United States maintained its qualities of uninhibited travel
and closed its racial, poverty, and generation gaps. Scattered acts of disrup
tion ceased, and public transportation improved, along with the quality of
the air and water. The campuses were free from unrest, and crime rates and
narcotics use diminished as an atmosphere of mutual trust and respect for
law and the rights of others evolved.
How the South Fits In
At this point one is tempted to end the discussion by saying that, since
the South's economy is so closely tied to the nation's, it will continue to
share the national economic fortunes in the future as it has in the past.
Thus, it would be easy to conclude that, if personal income throughout the
country is going to be half again as large in 1985 in real terms as it is now,
personal income in the South is going to increase even more since this has been
the pattern of the past.
Based on such reasoning, by 1985 per capita income in the Southeast could
reach $5,150 in dollars of 1969 purchasing power compared with $2,916 last
year. I have emphasized the word "could" since this estimate is based upon
two major assumptions. We assume that the problems we have mentioned will
be solved sufficiently so that the projected national economic growth will
take place. In addition, we assume that the South's economy, measured in
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terms of personal income, will continue to expand at a much more rapid rate
than the nation's as it did in the past decade.
We have already touched upon the first assumption. Now, let us turn
for a few minutes to the second: The South's economy will continue to grow
at the greater-than-national rate that was characteristic of the '60s.
In the past, the South's water, sunshine, and abundant labor placed it
in a position of competitive advantage to produce goods and services the
nation demanded.
But all of us also have noticed lately that undesirable things have been
happening to our water and that we are having more and more trouble seeing
the sun through man-made clouds of pollution.
We can no longer assume that we can attract a major industry to our region
on the basis that it can locate on one of our rivers, draw pure water upstream,
and dump its industrial wastes below. For one thing, fewer and fewer such
plant sites are available. In addition, the requirements we shall inevitably
impose to control pollution are going to be costly. We can apply the same
sort of reasoning to our other national resources.
Will the South continue to have a competitive advantage based on an abundant
labor supply? In the past we could almost always assure a new industry--wherever
it might locate--that an adequate labor suppljr would be available. This was
so because, for one thing, we could count on drawing on what seemed an in
exhaustible supply of workers from our rural areas where the reduced need for
farm labor was freeing them from other work.
In the process of shifting from farm work to nonfarm work, the productivity
of Southern labor increased enormously. We are getting closer to the time,
however, when this source of a labor supply may dry up. Then the task of
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raising worker productivity will have to be concentrated on improving the
productivity of nonfarm workers rather than shifting from farm to nonfarm
jobs. This may prove to be an extremely difficult task. The South's greatest
potential lies in improving the quality of its labor force, and that requires
even greater educational and training efforts.
We are just now facing some of the kinds of problems of urban congestion
that have plagued other areas in the past. The U. S. Bureau of the Census
is not yet able to provide us with firm estimates of the future size of the
Southeast's population based upon an extension of the latest census figures.
However, it seems reasonable and consistent with the projections that have
been released for the United States that by 1985 there will be between 50 and
55 million persons living in the Southeast compared with about 43 million in
1970.
Unless trends change, most of these additional people will be found in
Southern cities. Of the 1,563 counties losing population in the United States
in the decade of the 1960s, over a third were in the Southeast. On the other
hand, there were ten metropolitan areas in the Southeast with populations
of over 500,000 in 1970. Population had grown in these areas since 1960 by
25 percent, whereas for the entire Southeast the increase was 11 percent.
The combined growth of the metropolitan areas of Dallas and Houston was 38
percent.
Yet, although 12 of the 64 metropolitan areas in the United States with
over 500,000 persons are found in the Southeast and Texas, they have not yet
reached the size that seems to create almost unmanageable social and economic
problems. None is among the 12 metropolitan areas in the United States with
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over 2 million inhabitants, although Houston closely approaches that mark.
Only five of them are over 1 million.
It seems to me that the stage in which we find ourselves in respect to
urban growth is extremely fortunate. Urban growth may be inevitable in the
South, but we have time before urbanization develops further to adopt policies
and practices of a preventative nature rather than having to concentrate solely
on remedial measures to deal with the accumulated problems of the past.
One suggestion of dealing with the problems of urbanization is to encourage
the development of what are called "alternative growth centers" rather than
concentrating on the major metropolitan areas. These growth centers are described
as middle-sized communities of between 25 and 50 thousand which are growing
or have potential for self-sustained growth. These areas are generally sur
rounded by areas of declining population and are outside the major population
corriders. More research into the reasons these areas grow should be encouraged.
How we handle the problems associated with urban growth in the South
depends upon human decisions. Orderly growth of our urban centers is not
going to occur unless persons with influence recognize this growing problem,
unless they understand the need for forward planning at the local, state, and
regional level, unless they realize that growing urbanization is going to
create needs for more public services such as transportation systems, educa
tional facilities, hospitals, recreational areas, cultural centers, and others.
They must be able to convince others as well as themselves so that thought
will be followed by action. If these human decisions are not made in advance
through co-ordinated planning, we may end up with a hopeless tangle of bureau
cratic organizations. Such organizations will be concentrating solely on
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remedial means and will be slow to act or, if they do act, encroach into areas
better handled by the private sector.
That there are people in the South who are willing to grapple with urban
problems, who can make decisions, and who can put them into effect seems to
be supported by an article recently appearing in Business Week. The article
related the thinking of a relocation consultant who had a part in the decision
of the Shell Oil Company to move its headquarters from New York City to another
area. He related that the choice finally narrowed down to four cities. He
described these cities as follows: "They are 'cities of the future' in that
they can look beyond their present problems--which can be solved economically--
to plan for the future." As you may know, these four cities were all in the
South, the area from which this association draws its membership. We are told
the choice was difficult, with Houston finally being chosen. But we are also
told that Dallas, Atlanta, and Tulsa were very close.
As I look back over what I have said today, it occurs to me that I may
have given some of you the impression that the future has nothing but problems.
You may be disappointed that I have not painted with a broad brush a picture
of a smooth and uninterrupted economic expansion for the South.
I do not apologize for pointing out some of the problems that need to
be solved if the South's economic progress is to continue. It is by meeting
and solving problems that we progress and reap the rewards. Our rather spec
tacular economic growth in the past resulted from recognizing one set of problems
and then taking steps to solve them. By directing our attention to problems
of a little different sort in the future, we may be able to help the South continue to
set as good a record of economic growth in the future.
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Cite this document
APA
Monroe Kimbrel (1970, November 15). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19701116_monroe_kimbrel
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19701116_monroe_kimbrel,
author = {Monroe Kimbrel},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1970},
month = {Nov},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19701116_monroe_kimbrel},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}